I took it as basically a continual, helpful reminder that Amerika is an empire of racist shills. It reads as anachronistic to a modern reader. It's similar to if an author seasoned their writing heavily with "far out" and the like.
do you remember how abbie hoffman wanted to name his kid america.... with a SMALL "a"..!? holy shit

Themselves posted:

i thought it was

In the 1960s and early 1970s in the United States, leftists, particularly the Yippies, sometimes used Amerika rather than America in referring to the United States. It is still used as a political statement today. It is likely that this was originally an allusion to the German spelling of the word, and intended to be suggestive of Nazism, a hypothesis that the Oxford English Dictionary supports.



Glad to know that etymology. I like that they use Amerika, I think it's good that it's jarring, not for any deep reason, just that Sakai didn't accept America as it was given to them... the concept of "America" is totally bogus, we are studying the history of a real country, Amerika.

Edited by swampman ()

Sort of disappointing that it comes from the yippies lol. I hope that's not totally true
gotta hack the language, man
So I READ SETTLERS. It's obviously very good and corrected a lot of mistaken ideas I held. But instead for everyone else who has also READ SETTLERS here are some criticisms/problems:

1. Sakai points out that the CPUSA was almost entirely black, at least in certain areas, when it was at its most effective (20s and 30s). The next time he mentions it, the CPUSA is entirely bankrupt as a Settler "leftist" organization which wilted along with the remnants of East/South European proletarianism. The only hint of an explanation he gives is that the proletarian members were pushed out generally for middle class New York liberals in the 40s in order to maintain "respectability" and the possibility of being bribed. This may be true but the story of those black people disappears except for ex-post-facto when they refused to support formerly communist Settler unions which tried to use them. What happened to all the black people? Why were they not able to leverage the USSR to force white radicals to follow the correct line (as the CP did in South Africa)? The same problem happens in Reconstruction. Of course blacks attempted to empower themselves while the Union was mostly interested in getting them to work again on their former plantations as wage laborers. Saying Reconstruction was an occupation is a bit too far imo but it is useful for making a point. But again, what happened to the black republicans? Sakai tells a great story of why the left has failed but the story seems to be that it was doomed from the beginning. Even if we take black nationalism, like Garveyism and the NOI to be the true revolutionary movement, then clearly the BPP and the LRBW are the height of this struggle since they combined socialism with nationalism. But they were suppressed by white settlers all the same, Sakai seems to be trapped in a prison. Maybe that's to be expected from a polemical work from the 80s which really shattered what everyone assumed to be true but he seems even more cynical in his latest interview for his interview in "When Race Burns Class: Settlers Revisited." It may simply be that socialist politics are impossible until America runs out of things to bribe its population with but it doesn't appear that the Bolshevik revolution or the Chinese revolution significantly affected the Settler left which makes this a grim prospect.

2. Marxism is based on a very simple axiom: classes act in their own self-interest. From this the basic facts of capitalism lead one to make the same logical conclusion as Marx: revolution happens in the most developed countries first. It seems to me that socialist revolutions happening in underdeveloped nations instead of advanced nations has led to three general responses: 1. The theory is wrong. This is most of Western Marxism, which adds various superstructural elements to Marx's abstract analysis, sometimes modifying it to the point that it becomes liberalism. Maybe classes don't act in their own self-interest? 2. Reality is wrong. The socialist revolutions were not socialist at all, just a form of capitalism or even warped feudalism. Marx's analysis is true, it just hasn't happened yet (or maybe it has but keeps getting betrayed). 3. We are wrong. Our analysis of the world based on Marx is incorrect. The people we thought were proletarians were not, our applications of Marxism to the real world were incorrect, what we thought was self-interest was not. Marx's analysis holds up but only if we rethink what we mean by proletariat, nation, capitalism, self-interest, etc.

Settlers is clearly the third response. It's interesting that this is the rarest response in the first world, liberals are incapable of admitting they were wrong by virtue of liberalism as a rational-individualist worldview. The question I would ask is are the first two responses useful at all? Sakai goes beyond simply criticizing communist intellectuals or minor sects. For Sakai, even the differences between Maoism, Marxism-Leninism, anti-revisionism, etc are meaningless in the Settler nation compared to naked self interest. This is an attractive proposition for keeping the scientific core of Marxism alive and one we all subscribe to more or less by calling Trots 'petty-bourgeois' or Sanders liberals 'labor aristocracy'. But Sakai is so extreme it's a really interesting thought, basically implying the Marxist-Leninist CPUSA was not revolutionary while the Garveyites of the time were. Is there even room for communist politics left here or is communism simply an objective fact about how the world works?

Assuming people start to get through the book and READ SETTLERS I think this thread can turn into somewhere people post their thoughts.
He does describe what happened to the black workers that once made up the CPUSA in he South. The New Deal and the Depression was used to drive black proletarians out of the work force.

He mentions 40% of black skilled laborers being driven out in a number of years

EmanuelaBrolandi posted:

He does describe what happened to the black workers that once made up the CPUSA in he South. The New Deal and the Depression was used to drive black proletarians out of the work force.

He mentions 40% of black skilled laborers being driven out in a number of years

hmmm that's true. I guess I didn't fully connect those when I read it. jklol

i'm not sure marxism can be reduced to self-interest like that anyway, because it blurs with liberal economic ideas of self-interest which aren't marx's. marx is saying that the proletariat's position in production makes it the first ascending class that has the capacity to build a sustainable, prosperous socialism and not just like an isolated egalitarian peasantry. forming together the proletariat into a class that recognizes itself as such is an entire historical epoch which takes political work. without a lot of intellectual and organizing work, factory workers will spontaneously call for improvements within their own lives and may spontaneously lash out against specific injustices but find it difficult to articulate a class-wide alternative to capitalism. in the absence of that political work (typically done by parties) then all sorts of irrational alternatives can lay claim to sections of the working class and then their self-interest will be interpreted in those terms, often nationalist or religious feelings.

anyway the main reason i've deferred reading settlers for a while is that whenever people talk about it i've heard them talk in anecdotal terms, like racist statements by unions or whatever, which i guess because racism is a discourse it has to be like that to some degree. but if you "go looking for it" then you can apply that in a lot of situations and it doesn't always seem helpful. like imagine trying to compare like to like in japan or even china. both countries are always accused, rightly or wrongly, of extreme nationalist chauvinism and hatred of foreigners, and if you dig around for such statements they would be easy to find. china also has clear unevenness where people accuse them of being a colonial power, whether in places like xinjiang or africa. but those facts seem like sideshows from the fact that the vast majority of chinese have an interest in socialism.
read the book donald!!
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roseweird posted:

getfiscal posted:

anyway the main reason i've deferred reading settlers for a while is that whenever people talk about it i've heard them talk in anecdotal terms

it does have some series of anecdotes and it rushes through history a bit at some points but so far it pulls a lot of major trends together, the section on jacksonian democracy in general was very comprehensive and persuasive for example, in terms of establishing the trend of settlers voting on a mass basis for genocide as a matter of self interest, and later it makes a pretty clear case for how the earliest unions banded together to take over (book uses the phrase "annex"...) entire industries built up and staffed by chinese workers in the west. i mean i cited the gompers anecdote, which i think is a powerful anecdote in and of itself, but the chapter was a fully fleshed out argument dealing with the early labor movement more generally

cool. i will read it soon then.....

Chapter 3 is up too just without pictures
i am going to make an audiobook of this that you can listen to in your car on your daily commute, and then sell it to audible dot com for fifty dollars a pop
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I just got to the parts where he talks about academia and first world feminism and that shit is fire emoji fire emoji fire emoji
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How Sakai deals with the 'self-interest' of various classes is something I remember taking issue with in the book as well. I should probably re-read Settler since it's been a while. I think it's an important book to read, for a lot of reasons, but needs to mostly be appreciated for the its polemical force within the context it was written.

Sakai continually re-affirms that all manifestations of white supremacy and racism are explicitly done for the material benefit of the white 'working class'. And not just in the broader superstructural sense where racialized class boundaries proffer relative advantages to white skin, but in a specific and material way, where every single instance of discrimination is based on a narrow material advantage. This even extends to situations where the efficacy of real national unity to all parties (at least on a narrow tactical level), such as trade union struggles, is clear.

So while Sakai is right to remind us of the material base of white supremacy and the amerikan crakkker nation, I think his analysis as a whole is done a disservice by denying any ideological function of white supremacy as a function of amerikan politics.

A good counter is Walter Rodney, who in his discussion of European settlers of Afrika, always pointed out the superstructural components of white supremacy, and how its application could lead to irrationalites, from a strictly 'material interest' perspective, on the part of the ruling class.
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postposting posted:

Sakai continually re-affirms that all manifestations of white supremacy and racism are explicitly done for the material benefit of the white 'working class'. And not just in the broader superstructural sense where racialized class boundaries proffer relative advantages to white skin, but in a specific and material way, where every single instance of discrimination is based on a narrow material advantage. This even extends to situations where the efficacy of real national unity to all parties (at least on a narrow tactical level), such as trade union struggles, is clear.

These are nonsense words

Is there a reason why you're not using the 2014 epub version as a base for this web version? I mean it would still need to be checked thoroughly but it's already fully formatted with bolding and everything and epubs are basically just html in a wrapper
@roseweird did you get to the part about how engineering degrees are career track degree for whites to quickly move up to middle management while engineers brain drained from the third world occupy the more menial engineering jobs?
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EmanuelaBrolandi posted:

postposting posted:
Sakai continually re-affirms that all manifestations of white supremacy and racism are explicitly done for the material benefit of the white 'working class'. And not just in the broader superstructural sense where racialized class boundaries proffer relative advantages to white skin, but in a specific and material way, where every single instance of discrimination is based on a narrow material advantage. This even extends to situations where the efficacy of real national unity to all parties (at least on a narrow tactical level), such as trade union struggles, is clear.

These are nonsense words

r u objecting to my shit clarity due to being high as fuck or are you just disagreeing that the ideological manifestations of white supremacy have material consequences?

either way, like I said, it's been a few years so I should probably re-read it if I want to make a real critique. I may be misremembering or just wrong, but I do recall thinking sakai focuses too much on a narrow economism, esp. versus rodney who points out that:

"It can further be argued that by the 19th century white racism had become so institutionalised in the capitalist world (and notably in the U.S.A.) that it sometimes ranked above the maximisation of profit as a motive for oppressing black people."

but again, I should probably just re-read(.org) it first

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roseweird posted:

but i'm also not sure that you can actually detach self-interest from racist ideology anyway, because i don't know how you can establish the inferiority of a large racial class with whom you live in close proximity without developing a material interest in taking their power and property. like you can't advocate the genocide of natives without becoming aware of your interest in their land and thus a material interest in their genocide. i don't think the idea of irrational hatred actually has independent explanatory power without reference to material conditions.

yeah and sadly people's bodies aren't excluded.


Petrol posted:

Is there a reason why you're not using the 2014 epub version as a base for this web version? I mean it would still need to be checked thoroughly but it's already fully formatted with bolding and everything and epubs are basically just html in a wrapper

where's this, I'll use it this weekend


postposting posted:

"It can further be argued that by the 19th century white racism had become so institutionalised in the capitalist world (and notably in the U.S.A.) that it sometimes ranked above the maximisation of profit as a motive for oppressing black people."

Imo cohesion of the oppressor oppressed relationship is more important than exploiting to the greatest degree possible. It has nothing to do with the "ideological manifestations of white supremacy" (whatever that is), but the simple need to prevent the constant threat of insurrection by the oppressed.


roseweird posted:

i don't think the idea of irrational hatred actually has independent explanatory power without reference to material conditions.



Edited by animedad ()


cars posted:

Petrol posted:

Is there a reason why you're not using the 2014 epub version as a base for this web version? I mean it would still need to be checked thoroughly but it's already fully formatted with bolding and everything and epubs are basically just html in a wrapper

where's this, I'll use it this weekend


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No new chapter for a while I have to do my class work for the apprentice$hip. Expect a return to productivity next week or so
i'm still working on ch. 4, but my internet has been down for a few days so my productivity has slowed. i can snatch the pictures from both chapters, too: is there a preference for formatting/filetype/etc on those, stego?
I'd actually prefer you find the original picture in higher quality or a similar one. Or if you know of a really good illustration or map or picture for a specific passage that isn't in the book you can include that too.
Just want to mention again that a helpful thing those of you with JSTOR / other journal access can do is acquire pdfs / images for some of the citations. I've attached the cleaned up citation text so you can see what we are looking for.

1. All references to discussions at the conference from: The African World, Vol. II, No. 5, July, 1974: "Historic ALSC Conference Discussed: WHICH ROAD FOR BLACK PEOPLE?"
2. Black Revolution. Vol. 1, No. 1. Winter 1980: "Editorial: The Party Line."

1. WILLIAM BRADFORD. Of Plymouth Plantation. N.Y., 1952. p. 23.
2. MILDRED CAMPBELL - "Social Origins of Some Early Americans". In SMITH. ed. 17th Century America. N.Y., 1972. p. 68. Other accounts are similar. For example, see: C.E. BANKS. The Winthrop Fleet of 1630. Cambridge. 1930: Morison's account of Sir Walter Raleigh's second Virginia Colony of 1587 describes the colonists as: "All were middle-class English or Irish” (MORISON, p. 657).
3. CAMPBELL. op. cit., p. 82.
4. Treasury Papers 47: 9-11. Quoted in RICHARD B. MORRIS. Government and Labor In Early America. N.Y., 1946. p. 48.
5. CHRISTOPHER HILL - Reformation to lndustrial Revolution. N.Y., 1967. p. 48; p. 64.
6. RICHARD HOFSTADTER. America at 1750. N.Y., 1973. p.11-12. This is but one source out of many, all essentially in agreement.
7. MORRIS - op. cit., p. 48
6. CAMPBELL - op. cit., p. 83
9. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. The Winning of the West, Vol. I. N.Y., 1900. p. 90
10. WILCOMB E. WASHBURN - "The Moral and Legal Justification for Dispossessing the Indians." In SMITH, ed. p. 23
11. Testimony of Wilbur R. Jacobs at Sioux Treaty Hearing. In R. DUNBAR ORTIZ - The Great Sioux Nation. San Francisco. 1971, p. 80, HENRY F. DOBYNS "Estimating Aboriginal American Population. An Appraisal of Techniques With a New Hemispheric Estimate." Current Anthropology, Vol. III, No. 4. p. 395.
12. PHILIP GIBSON. Quoted in HOFSTADTER. op. cit. p. 69; also see COOK & SIMPSON (1948).
13. HAROLD E. DRIVER. Indians of North America. Chicago, 1968. p. 804.
14. N.Y. Times. May 10. 1898.
15. KARL MARX. The Poverty of Philosophy. N.Y., 1963. p. 111
16. See: HOFSTADTER op. cit. p. 99; OTTLEY & WEATHERBY. eds. The Negro In New York. N.Y., 1967; EDITH EVANS ASBURY. "Freed Black Farmers Tied Manhattan's Soil in the 1600s". N.Y. Times. Dec. 7, 1977.
17. See: VERNER W. CRANE. The Southern Frontier. 1670-1732. Ann Arbor, 1956; ORTIZ. op. cit. p. 86.
18. GARY B. NASH – Red, White. And Black. Englewood Cliffs. 1974. p. 112-113.
19. ibid.
20. ibid.
21. SAMUEL ELIOT MORISON - The European Discovery of America: The Northern Voyages. N.Y., 1971. p. 678
22. CLINTON ROSSITER - The First American Revolution - N.Y., 1956. p. 41.
23. HOFSTADTER. op. cit. p. 89-90.
24. ROBERT E. & B. KATHERINE BROWN. Virginia 1705-1780: Democracy or Aristocracy? East Lansing, 1964. p. 22.
25. PHILIP S. FONER. Labor and the American Revolution. Westport, 1976. p. 89.
28. JACKSON TURNER MAIN. The Social Structure of Revolutionary America. Princeton, 1965. p. 66-67. While we use Main’s finding, it is evident that although Euro-Amerikan historians have widely differing conclusions about class stratification in this period, their factual bases are very similar.
For example, James A. Henretta, in his well-known essay, "Economic Development and Social Structure in Colonial Boston", concludes that the Colonial era was one of rapidly growing settler class inequality, with the "appearance of ... 'proletarians'."
This is an often-quoted conclusion. Yet, a careful examination of his research shows that: 1. In rural Massachusetts of the 1770's land ownership was near-universal among the settlers (over 90%); 2. Even in Boston, a major urban center, the clear majority of settler men were self-employed property-owners (60-70%); 3. Henretta himself points out that many settler men who were without taxable property were not poor, but had comfortable incomes and were respected enough to be elected to public office. So, although Henretta chose to stress the appearance of inequality among settlers, his own research confirms the general picture of shared privilege and an exceptional way of life for the Euro-Amerikan conquerers.
27. HOFSTADTER. op. cit. p. 161.
28. AUDREY C. LAND. Bases of the Plantation Society - N.Y.. 1969, p. 105
29. MORRIS. op. cit. p. 40
30. KARL MARX. 18th Brumaire... In Selected Works (SW) - N.Y., 1960. p. 104.
31. KARL MARX. Wages. Price and Profit. In SW. p. 192.
32. FONER. op.cit., p. 12.
33. MORRIS. op. cit., p. 46; BROWN & BROWN. op. cit., p. 22.
34. MORRIS. op. cit., p. 45.
35. KARL MARX. SW. p. 226
36. FRED SHANNON. America Farmers Movements. Princeton, 1957. p. 9; MORRIS. op. cit., p. 36.
37. HILL. op. cit., p. 74.
38. MORRIS. op. cit., p. 3637.
39. THOMAS J. WERTENBAKER - The Shaping of Colonial Virginia, N.Y., 1958. p. 134.
40. MORRIS. op. cit., p. 29.

1. HERBERT APTHEKER. The Colonial Era. N.Y., 1959. p. 62.
2. THEODORE W. ALLEN. Class Struggle and the Origins of Slavery. Somerville, 1976. p. 34.
3. A photograph of this plaque can be seen in: CHARLES W.H. WARNER. Road to Revolution. Richmond, 1961.
4. Except as otherwise noted, events in Bacon's Rebellion are taken from WILCOMB E. WASHBURN. The Governor and the Rebel. Chapel Hill, 1957.
5. BERNARD BAILYN. "Politics and Social Structure in Virginia." In SMITH, op. cit., p. 103-104; also WASHBURN. p. 17-19.
6. SHANNON. op. cit., p. 109-110. Bacon's own account, written on June 8, 1676, is there as well.
7. WARNER. op. cit., p. 21-22.
8. PHILIP S. FONER. History of the Labor Movement of the United States. Vol. I. N.Y., 1978. p. 29
9. LOUIS ADAMIC. A Nation of Nations. N.Y., 1945. p. 288.
10. For a brief account, see: SAMUEL ELIOT MORISON. Oxford History of the American People. N.Y., 1965. p. 119-122.
11. JACK HARDY. The First American Revolution. N.Y., 1937. p. 37-38.
12. ibid. p. 72.
13. RICHARD C. WADE. The Urban Frontier. Chicago, 1971. p. 2.
14. FONER. Labor and... p. 182-183.
15. WINTHROP D. JORDAN. White Over Black. N.Y., 1969. p. 115.
16. THOMAS PAINE. Selected Writings, N.Y., 1945. p. 29. John C. Miller states in his Origins of the American Revolution that "the patriots proclaimed themselves the champions of white supremacy against the British Government..." (p. 478-479).
17. ROI OTTLEY. Black Odyssey. London, 1949. p. 63.
18. BENJAMIN QUARLES. The Negro In The American Revolution. Chapel Hill, 1961. p. x.
19. ibid, p. 118-119.
20. ibid, p. 131.
21. LERONE BENNETT, JR. Before the Mayflower. Baltimore, 1968. p. 62; OTTLEY, op. cit., p. 65; etc.
22. QUARLES, op. cit., p. 28; OTTLEY, op. cit., p. 63.
23. OTTLEY, op. cit., p. 65.
24. BENNETT, JR. op. cit., P. 58.
25. QUARLES. op. cit., p. 30.
26. BENNETT, JR. op. cit., p. 59: OTTLEY. op. cit., p. 73-74.
27. BENNET, JR., op. cit., p. 59; OTTLEY, op. cit., p. 73-74.
28. FONER. Labor and ..., p. 184. 15. FONER. History ..., p. 145.
29. QUARLES - op. cit., p. 171-172.

1. RICHARD B. MORRIS, ed. Encyclopedia of American History. p. 444-448.
2. ROGER W. SHUGG. Origins of Class Struggle In Louisiana. Baton Rouge, 1972. p. 79.
3. STUART BLUMIN. "Mobility and Change in Ante-Bellum Philadelphia." In THERNSTROM & SENNET. Nineteenth-Century Cities. New Haven, 1971. p. 198-200.
4. ibid.
5. LEON F. LITWACK. North of Slavery. Chicago, 1961. p. 82.
6. EDWARD PESSEN. Jacksonian America. Homewood, 1969. p. 63.
7. LITWACK - op. cit., p. 90-91; p. 271.
8. FONER. History of..., p. 142-149.
9. MARY E, YOUNG. "Indian Removal and Land Allotment: The Civilized Tribes and Jacksonian Justice." American Historical Review. Oct., 1958. p.'31-45.
10. PETER FARB - Man's Rise to Civilization. N.Y., 1968. p. 250-254.
11. ibid.
12. TAKAKI. op. cit., p. 96.
13. RICHARD MAXWELL BROWN. Strain of Violence. N.Y., 1975. p. 200-207.
14. TAKAKI. op. cit., p. 102.
15. FONER. History..., p. 145.
16. PESSEN. op. cit., p. 261; FONER. History..., p. 144-150; LEE BENSON. The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy. N.Y., 1966. p. 171-175.
17. FONER. History..., p. 150.
18. PESSEN. op. cit., p. 215.
19. FONER. History..., p.183-188.
20. GEORGE M. FREDRICKSON. The Black Image In The White Mind. N.Y., 1971. p. 133.
21. See: LEONARD L. RICHARDS. Gentlemen of Property and Stan-ding. Oxford, 1970, p. 14; p. 114; p. 140; p. 153; p. 156-157.
22. FREDRICKSON. op. cit.
24. FREDERICKSON. op. cit., p. 146.
25. LEON F. LITWACK. North of Slavery. Chicago, 1961. p. 162-166.
26. ROGER W. SHUGG. Origins of Class Struggle In Louisiana. Baton Rouge, 1972. p. 118.
27. HERBERT G. GUTMAN. "Persistent Myths About the Afro-American Family." In MICHAEL GORDON, Ed. The American Family In Social-Historical Perspective. N.Y., 1978. p. 485.
28. PHILIP S. FONER. "A Labor Voice For Black Equality: The Boston Daily Evening Voice, 1864-1867." Science & Society, 1974. p. 304-305.
29. SHUGG. op. cit., p. 319-320.
30. DAVID ROEDIGER. "Racism, Reconstruction, and the Labor Press..." Science & Society. 1978. p. 156-178. SAM B. WARNER, JR. Streetcar Suburbs. N.Y., 1973. p. 53.
31. Unless otherwise noted, Chinese history in the U.S. West based on: JACK CHEN. The Chinese of America. N.Y., 1981.
32. RODOLFO ACUNA. Occupied Amerika. San Francisco, 1972. p. 118.
33. TAKAKI. op. cit., p. 232.
34. CHEN. op. cit. p. 137.
35. HERBERT HILL. "Anti-Oriental Agitation and the Rise of Working Class Racism." Society. Jan.-Feb., 1973. p. 43-54.
36. ibid.
37. ibid.
38. FONER. History of... p. 489.
39. HILL. op. cit.
40. FONER. History of... p. 490-493.
41. HILL. op. cit.
42. FONER. History of... p. 511.
43. W.E.B. DU BOIS. Black Reconstruction In America, 1860-1880. N.Y., 1972. p. 120-121. Unless otherwise noted, the events of the U.S. Civil War and Reconstruction are based on Du Bois' monumental work.
44. FREDRICKSON. op. cit.
45. WENDELL PHILLIPS. "Warnings." National Anti-Slavery Standard. April 9, 1870.
46. FONER. History of... p. 400.
47. ibid. p. 393-394.
48. ibid. p. 401.
49. FONER. "A Labor Voice..." p. 304.
50. ibid. p. 322-323.
51. ROEDIGER. op. cit.
52. FONER. History of... p. 374.
53. FELIX S. COHEN. Immigration and National Welfare. N.Y., 1940. p.14.
54. FONER. History of... p. 377-382.
55. ibid. p. 381-382.
56. ibid. p. 377; p. 393-394.
57. ibid. p. 428-429.
58. Quoted in JÜRGEN KUCZYNSKI. The Rise of the Working Class. p. 161.
59. Quoted in A. LOZOVSKY. Marx and the Trade Unions. N.Y., 1935. p. 91.
60. SHUGG. op. cit., p. 90.
61. DU BOIS. op. cit., p. 700.
62. LOUIS ADAMIC. A Nation of Nations. N.Y., 1945. p. 182.
63. FONER. History of... p. 269-270.
64. THOMAS N. BROWN. Irish-American Nationalism, 1870-1890. Philadelphia, 1966. p. 38-41.
65. ibid. p. 67-89.
66. ACUNA, op. cit., p. 25-26.

1. ERIC HOBSBAUM. "Lenin and the Aristocracy of Labor." In SWEEZY & MAGDORF. Lenin Today. N.Y., 1970. p. 47.
2. V.I. LENIN. Imperialism. The Highest Stage of Capitalism. Peking, 1970. p. 129.
3. ROBERT L. HEILBRONER. The Worldly Philosophers. N.Y., 1964. p. 144.
4. MARTIN NICOLAUS. "The Theory of the Labor Aristocracy." In SWEEZY & MAGDORF. p. 91-101.
5. GERHARD BRY. Wages In Germany, 1871-1945. Princeton, 1960. p. 267.
6. HOBSBAUM. op.cit.; V.I. LENIN. "Thesis on the Fundamental Tasks of the 2nd Congress of the C.I." Collected Works. Vol. 31. p. 184-201.
7. STERLING D. SPERO & ABRAM HARRIS. The Black Worker. N.Y., 1931. p. 150-260; HAROLD BARON. "The Demand for Black Labor: Historical Notes on the Political Economy of Racism." Radical America. March-April 1971.
8. SPERO & HARRIS. op. cit.; PAUL NYDEN. Black Coal Miners in the U.S. A.I.M.S. No. 15. N.Y., 1974. p. 18.
9. ACUNA. op. cit., p. 94-98; 132-134. "The Struggle For Chicano Liberation." Forward. August 1979.

10. NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO FREE PUERTO RICAN P.O.W.S. Petition to the United Nations. n.d., p. 4-6.
11. HON. JOHN F. SHAFROTH. The Army Bill and Philippine Policy. Washington. December 5, 1900. p. 3.
12. DANIEL BOONE SCHIRMER. Republic or Empire. Boston, 1972.
13. ibid.
14. ibid.; AMADO GUERRERO. Philippine Society and Revolution. Oakland, 1979. p. 16-19.
15. ibid., p. 174-176.
16. CARL SCHURZ. The Policy of Imperialism. American Anti-Imperialist League Liberty Tract No. 19. Chicago, 1899, inside cover. This was an address at the League Convention.
17. ibid., p. 4, 21.
18. HON. GEORGE S. BOUTWELL. War and Conquest Abroad, Degradation of Labor at Home. A.A.L. Liberty Tract No. 7, Chicago, 1900. P. 5-11.
19. CARL SCHURZ. American Imperialism. Convocation Address at the University of Chicago. January 4, 1899. p. 6.
20. MICHAEL ROGIN. "Comment." In JOHN H.M. LASLETT & S.M. UPSETT. Eds. Failure of a Dream? Garden City, 1974. p. 147.
21. C. VANN WOODWARD. Tom Watson, Agrarian Rebel. N.Y., 1963. p. 370-380.
22. ibid.
23. DANIEL BELL. Marxian Socialism in the United States. Princeton, 1967. p. 89; ROGIN. op. cit.

24. THOMAS J. NOER. Briton, Boer and Yankee. Kent, 1978. p. 30-34.
25. ibid., p. 48-55.
26. ibid., p. 69-70
27. ibid., p. 85.
28. ibid., p. 80-81.
29. ibid., p. 88.
30. EDWARD ROUX. Time Longer Than Rope. Madison, 1964. p. 132-134. 154-155.
31. ibid., p. 134.
32. ibid., p. 147.
33. ibid., p. 148.
34. ibid., p. 149-151.

1. DAVID BRODY. Steelworkers in America, The Nonunion Era. N.Y., 1969. p. 1.
2. ROBERT W. DUNN. The Americanization of Labor. N:Y., 1927. p. 9.
3. JOHN HIGHAM. Strangers in the Land. N.Y., 1975. p. 159.
4. U.S. IMMIGRATION COMMISSION. Reports, 61st Congress, 3rd Session, Senate Document No. 747, I. p. 37-39.
5. BRODY. op. cit., p. 96.
6. ROBERT HUNTER. Poverty. N.Y., 1912. p. 261.
7. ibid., p. 33.
8. BRODY. op. cit., p. 40.
9. ibid., p. 98; IRVING WERSTEIN. Pie in the Sky. N.Y., 1969. p. 67-68.
10. ibid., p. 99.
11. ibid., p. 101.
12. HIGHAM. op. cit., p. 143, 164.
13. VICTOR PAANANEN. "Rebels All: the Finns in America." In These Times. April 5-11, 1978; HARRY ELMER BARNES & NEGLEY K. TEETERS. New Horizons in Criminology. N.Y., 1946.
p. 184.
14. HIGHAM. op. cit., p. 273.
15. ibid., p. 138.
16. ibid., p. 257.
17. ibid., p. 259-262.
18. ibid., p. 301.
19. ibid., p. 182.
20. ibid., p. 163-164, 183.
21. BRODY. op. cit.. p. 120-121.

22. LEN DE CAUX. The Living Spirit of the Wobblies. N.Y., 1978. p. 60.
23. PATRICK RENSHAW. The Wobblies. Garden City, 1967. p. 178.
24. PAUL BRISSENDEN. The I.W.W.: A Study of American Syndicalism. N.Y., 1919. p. 329.
25. RENSHAW. op. cit., p. 329.
26. ibid., p. 217.
27. PHILIP S. FONYER. History of the Labor Movement in the United States. Vol. IV. N.Y., 1965. p. 554-559.
28. Solidarity. July 24, 1915.
29. RENSHAW. op. cit., p. 220-230.
30. DE CAUX. op. cit., p. 134-135.
31. FONER. Vol. IV. p. 124.
32. ibid., p. 127.
33. PHILIP S. FONER. History of the Labor Movement in the United States. Vol. III. N.Y., 1964. p. 276-277.
34. FONER. Vol. IV. p. 70.
35. ibid., p. 82.
36, BRISSENDEN. op. cit., p. 208-209.
37. Solidarity. July 24, 1915.
38. FONER. Vol. IV. p. 243.
39. JOHN REED, Insurgent Mexico. N.Y., 1974. p. 13-15, 125-140; HOWARD A DEWITT. Images of Ethnic and Radical Violence in California Politics, 1917-1930: A Survey. S.F., 1975. p. 11; RENSHAW. op. cit., p. 249, 289; ACUNA. op. cit.. p. 156-157; BEN FLETCHER. "Philadelphia Waterfront Unionism." Messenger. June 1923. p. 740-741.
40. BRODY. op. cit., p. 231-262.
41. ibid., p. 255; SPERO & HARIS. op. cit., p. 251.
42. WILLIAM Z. FOSTER. The Great Steel Strike and Its Lessons. N.Y., 1920. p. 207.
43. PHILIPS S. FONER. Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619-1973. N.Y., 1974. p. 137; ALLAN H. SPEAR. Black Chicano. Chicago, 1967. p. 202.
44. SPEAR. op. cit., p. 201, 212.
45. ibid., p. 215-216.
46. FOSTER. op. cit., p. 205-212.
47. HIGHAM. op. cit., p. 221.
48. BRODY. op. cit., p. 188-196.
49. ibid., p. 266-268.
50. DUNN. op. cit.
51. ARTHUR CORWIN & LAWRENCE CARDOSO. "Vamos Al Norte." In CORWIN, Ed. Immigrants - and Immigrants. S.F., 1972. p. 47.

1. HARRY BRAVERMAN. Labor and Monopoly Capital. N.Y., 1974. p. 61-62.
2. BRODY. op. cit., p. 44.
3. ibid., p. 47.
4. ibid., p. 50-75.
5. ROBERT W. DUNN. Labor and Automobiles. N.Y., 1929. p. 61.
6. ibid., p. 62-63.

7. WYNDHAM MORTIMER. Organize! Boston, 1971. p. 41; IRVING HOWE & B.J. WIDICK. The UAW and Walter Reuther. N.Y., 1949. p. 93.
8. BRODY. op. cit., p. 84.
9. HOWE & WIDICK. op. cit., p. 94; SPEAR. op. cit., p. 157.
10. DUNN. Labor and Automobiles. p. 182-183, 191.
11. SIDNEY FINE. Sit Down: The General Motors Strike of 1936-1937. Ann Arbor, 1969. p. 266-270.
12. GEORGE RAWICK. "Working Class Self-Activity." Radical America. No. 2. 1969; ED TENNINGS. Wildcat! The Strike Wave and the No-Strike Pledge in the Auto Industry. Manuscript, p. 12.
13. JENNINGS. op. cit., p. 17.
14. ROBERT R. BROOKS. As Steel Goes... New Haven, 1940. p. 129.

15. SAMUEL LUBELL. "Post Mortem: Who Elected Roosevelt?" In WILLIAM E. LECHTENBURG, Ed. The New Deal. N.Y., 1968. p. 162-166.
16. FRANCIS PERKINS. The Roosevelt I Knew. N.Y., 1946. p. 228-231.
17. LECHTENBURG. op. cit., p. 151-152; CHARLES HIGHAM. Trading With the Enemy. N.Y., 1983. p. 163.
18. ROBERT TRAVIS. Flint: A True Report. Flint, 1937. p. 4; JACK STEIBER. Governing the UAW. N.Y., 1962. p. 63; CLAUD E. HOFFMAN. Sit-Down in Anderson: UAW Local 663... Detroit, 1968. p. 91; ROBERT R. BROOKS. op. cit., p. 83-85; AUGUST MEIER & ELLIOT RUDWICK. Black Detroit and the Rise of the UAW. N.Y., 1979. p. 66; CHARLES P. LARROWE. Harry Bridges. N.Y., 1972. p. 284-286: N.Y. Times. December 8, 1981.
20. FINE. op. cit., p. 272-274, 293, 302, 333.
21. MURRAY EDELMAN. "New Deal Sensitivity to Labor Interests." In MILTON DERBER & EDWIN YOUNG, Eds. Labor and the New Deal. Madison, 1957. p. 167.
22. BEN STOLBERG. Tailor's Progress. N.Y., 1944. p. 205.
23. BROOKS. op. cit., p. 83-106.
24. ibid., p. 110-119.
25. op. cit., p. 106; SAUL ALINSKY. John L. Lewis. N.Y., 1949. p. 149.
26. BROOKS. op. cit., p. 194.
27. THOMAS MATHEWS. Puerto Rican Politics and the New Deal. Gainsville, 1960. p. 261-314.
28. ACUNA. op. cit., p. 190-195.
29. TRAVIS, op. cit., p. 3.
30. JENNINGS. op. cit., p. 36.

31. SPEAR. op. cit., p. 157.
32. EDWARD GREER. "Racism and U.S. Steel, 1906-1974." Radical America. Sept.-October 1976.
33. MEIER & RUDWICK. op. cit., p. 1620.
34. SPERO & HARRIS. op. cit.. p. 152-166; MEIER & RUDWICK, op. cit., p. 6-8.
35. DUNN. Labor and Automobiles. p. 68-69.
36. ibid.
37. MEIER & RUDWICK. op. cit., p. 38.
38. MORTIMER. op. cit., p. 111.
39. MEIER & RUDWICK. op. cit., p. 36-37; Interviews with two radical participants in the Flint Sit-Down.
40. Flint interviews.
41. MEIER & RUDWICK. op. cit., p. 50.
42. RAY MARSHALL. “The Negro in Southern Illinois.” In JULIUS JACOBSEN, Ed. The Negro and the American Labor Movement. N.Y., 1968. p. 149.
43. ROBERT C. WEAVER. Negro Labor: A National Problem. N.Y., 1946, p. 15; MEIER & RUDWICK. op. cit., p. 124-125.
44. WEAVER. op. cit., p. 27.
45. JEREMY BRECHER. Strike! S.F., 1972. p. 223.
46. WEAVER. op. cit., p. 75.

1. JOHN MORTON BLUM. V Was For Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II. N.Y., 1976, p. 67.
2. BARON. op. cit.
3. JAMES L. STOKESBURY. A Short History of World War 11. N.Y., 1980. p. 378-380.
4. ibid.
5. BLUM. op. cit., p. 90-91.
6. ibid., p. 91-99.

7. J.R. JOHNSON. “What Do Negroes Themselves Think About the War?” Socialist Appeal. October 20, 1939.
8. ROUX. op. cit., p. 306.
9. SUMMER M. ROSEN. "The CIO Era - 1935-55." In JULIUS JACOBSEN. Ed. op. cit., p. 196; Interview with St. Clair Drake. 1960.
10. DAVID HOROWITZ. Empire and Revolution. N.Y., 1970. p. 70; BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE CHIEF OF STAFF OF THE U.S. AR- MY. Washington, 1945; MATTHEW COOPER. The German Army. 1933-1945. N.Y., 1978. p. 471; GABRIEL KOLKO. Politics of War. N.Y., 1968. p. 22.
11. WILLIAM R. PERL. The Four-Front War. N.Y., 1979, p. 2, 218; BERNARD WASSERSTEIN. Britain and the Jews of Europe 1939-1945. N.Y., 1979. p. 309-320. KOLKO. op. cit., p. 44, 182-193, 429; HIGHAM. op. cit., p. 155-163.
12. Letter from JOHN E. COSTELLO. N.Y. Times. January 17, 1982; Diary of U.S. Secretary of War Henry Stimson, quoted in CHARLES A. BEARD. President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War, 1941. New Haven, 1948. p. 517. BARBARA TUCHMAN. Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911-45. N.Y., 1970. p. 224.
13. BEARD. op. cit., p. 178-179.
14. TUCHMAN. op. cit., p. p. 238-240.

15. N.Y. Times. November 20, 1940.
16. N.Y. Times. November 21. 1940.
17. N.Y. Times. February 19. 1941.
18. MATTHEWS. op. cit., p. 17-18. 324.
19. CHARLES T. GOODSELL. Administration of a Revolution. Cambridge, 1965. p. 3-9.
20. ibid.
21. RODOLFO 0. RIVERA. "Puerto Rico Pays." Nation. May 25, 1940.
22. N.Y. Times. December 4, 1940.
23. N.Y. Times. November 21, 1940.
24. BLUM. op. cit., p. 147-152.
25. SETUKO NISHI. Facts About Japanese-Americans. Chicago, 1946. p. 2-3.
26. ibid.
27. ibid., p. 20.
28. BILL HOSOKAWA. Nisei. N.Y. 1969. p. 440.
29. ibid., p. 457-467.
30. BLUM. op. cit., p. 45.
31. MEIER & RUDWICK. op. cit., p. 164.
32. FONER. Organized Labor and the Black Worker. p. 264-265.
33. ACUNA, op. cit., p. 203-206.
34. N.Y. Times. February 26, 1973.

1. TAKAKI. op. cit., p. 189.
2. Jimmie Durham. American Indian Culture: Traditionalism & Spiritualism in a Revolutionary Struggle. N.Y. 1974. p. 5-6.
3. FRANK ERNEST HILL. "A New Pattern of Life for the Indian." N.Y. Times Magazine. July 14, 1935.
4. ibid.
5. ibid. N.Y. Times. January 26, 1982; PETER MEWICK. "Navajos Levy Taxes On Energy Giants." In These Times. August 30,1978; JAN STITES. "Native Land." Village Voice. May 4. 1982; E. SHUSKY. The Right To Be Indian. S.F.. 1970. p. vi.

12. FONER. Organized Labor and the Black Worker. p. 158-161.
13. PETER KWONG. Chinatown. New York. N.Y., 1979. p. 120-121.
14. "Crop Sharers in Ala. Fight Hostile Posse." Louisiana Weekly. July 25, 1931. EUGENE GORDON. "Alabama Massacre." New Masses. August 1931.
15. JANE DILLON. "Fighting For Bread in Dixie Land." Labor Defender. October 1931.
16. "A Sharecropper Tells the Story. Labor Defender. September 1931.
17. DILLON. op. cit.
18. Richmond Times-Dispatch. June 7, 1942.
19. "Odell Waller: A Test Case." New York Times. June 11, 1942.
20. MORRIS MILGRAM. "Aid Sought For Arkansas Negro Imprisoned For Defending Home." The Call. December 12, 1943.
21. "Five Farmers in Alabama Convicted." Chicago Defender. May 6, 1933.
22. ALBERT JACKSON. "On the Alabama Front." Nation September 18, 1935.
23. DONALD GRUBBS. Cry From the Cotton. Chapel Hill, 1971. p. 81.
24. ibid., p. 24.
25. ibid., p. 67.
26. LOUIS CANTOR. A Prologue to the Protest Movement: The Missouri Sharecropper Roadside Demonstrations of 1939. Durham, 1969.
27. NELL PAINTER & HOSEA HUDSON. "Hosea Hudson: A Negro Communist in the Deep South." Radical America. July-August 1977. Vol. II, No. 4.
28. WILLIAM R. SCOTT. "Black Nationalism and the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict." Journal of Negro History. 1978. p. 118-134. Unless otherwise noted, all quotations and references on this movement are from Scott's work. This important essay shows the nationalist orientation of the support movement, and rescues a deliberately suppressed history of popular political struggle.
29. SCOTT. ibid. "Mob of 400 Battles the Police in Harlem: Italian Stores Raided, Man Shot in Crowd." New York Times. May 19, 1936.
30. FRANCES FOX PIVEN & RICHARD A CLOWARD. Regulating the Poor. N.Y., 1971. p. 76.
31. ibid., p. 133.
32. WILLIAM R. AMBERSON. "The New Deal for Share-Croppers." Nations. Feb. 13, 1935.
33. C.T. CARPENTER. "Federal Aid in South Helps Rich Owner. Oppresses Poor." N.Y. World-Telegram. May 11, 1935.
34. NYDEN. op. cit., p. 17-22.
35. WEAVER. op. cit., p. 9.
36. JULIUS LESTER. Ed. The Seventh Son: The Thought & Writing of W.E.B. DuBois, Vol. I. N.Y., 1971. p. 104.
37. AMILCAR CABRAL. The Struggle in Guinea. Cambridge, n.d. (reprint of speech in Milan, Italy, May 1964). p. 442.
38. CONSTANCE MCLAUGHLIN GREEN. The Secret City. Princeton, 1967, p. 129. 157-158.
39. LESTER, Ed. op. cit., p. 89; RICHARD WRIGHT. American Hunger. N.Y., 1983. p. 28-29.
40. Crusader. Nov. 1921. p. 23.
41. CLAUDE MCKAY, Harlem: Negro Metropolis. N.Y., 1940. p. 168.
42. ST.CLAIRE DARKE. "Hide My Face." in HERBERT HILL. Ed. Soon, One Morning. N.Y., 1969. p. 78-105. COHEN. op. cit., p. 284.
43. DRAKE, op. cit.; W.F. ELKINS. "Marcus Garvey, the Negro World, and the British West Indies. 1919-1920." Science & Society. Spring, 1972. p. 74-75.
44. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. "Behaviorial Scientists in the Civil Rights Movement." In GLENN & BONJEAN, Eds. Blacks In the United States. S.F., 1969. p. 8.
45. JEFF HENDERSON.-"A. Philip Randolph and the Dilemmas of Socialism and Black Nationalism in the United States, 1917-1941." Race & Class. Autumn 1978. p. 143-159.
46. ibid.
47. AMY JACQUES-GARVEY, Ed Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. N.Y., 1980. p. 295.
48. CABRAL. op. cit., p. 444.
49. FONER. Organized Labor... p. 124. BRAILSFORD R. BRAZEAL. The Brotheriood of Sleeping Car Porters. N.Y., 1946. p. 132.
50. DANIEL S. DAVIS. Mr. Black Labor. N.Y., 1972, p. xii.
51. HENDERSON. op. cit. DAVIS. op. cit., p. 62-69.
52. HARRY A PLOSKI & WARREN MARR II, Eds. The Negro Almanac. 3rd Edition. N.Y., 1976. p. 27.
53. LUBELL, op. cit., p. 165.
54. W.D.L. The Case of Sharecropper Waller. N.Y., 1942. 12 p. mimeo factsheet.
55. FONER, Organized Labor... p. 238-239.
56. W.D.L., op. cit.
57. MCKAY, op. cit., p. 188-229.
58. ibid.
59. N.Y. Times. August 1, 1983.
60. MCKAY, op. cit., p. 188-229.
61. N.Y. Times. August 1938.
62. DAVIS. op. cit., p. 102-112.
63. ibid.
64. ibid. CONSTANCE M. GREEN. op. cit., pp. 254-258.
65. WEAVER. op. cit., p. 27-33.
66. ibid.
67. FONER. Organized Labor... p. 243. DAVIS. op. cit., p. 111. GREER. op. cit., p. 57.
68. KWONG. op. cit., p. 114.
69. JOSE CHEGUI TORRES. "A Contempt Pure and Dangerous." Village Voice. March 10, 1980.
70. ACUNA. op. cit., p. 198.
71. DAVIS. op. cit., p. 113-114.
72. ADAM CLAYTON POWELL, JR. Marching Blacks. N.Y., 1945. p. 125.
73. N.Y. Times. August 3, 1981.
74. ACUNA. op. cit., p. 198-199, p. 209.
75. ACUNA. op. cit., p. 212-214; Kwong. op. cit., p. 144-147.
76. ibid.
77. HOSOKAWA. op. cit., p. 451-453

1. There are many, many histories and personal memoirs detailing CPUSA involvement in the CIO and other Amerikan institutional structures; most agreeing on the facts of the CPUSA's significance. Just two of many referred to are: B. KARSH & PHILIPS GARMAN. "The Impact of the Political Left." In MILTON DERBER. Ed. Labor and the New Deal. Madison, 1957; ALBERT HALPER. Good-Bye, Union Square. Chicago, 1971.
2. BEN ROSE. "The Communist Party and the CIO." Theoretical Review. May-June, 1981. p. 13.
3. ibid.

4. LEN DE CAUX. Labor Radical. Boston, 1971. p. 521.
5. JOHN ABT. "Review of Cold War Political Justice: the Smith Act, the Communist Party and American Civil Liberties." Science & Society. Spring, 1979. p. 92; PEGGY DENNIS. The Autobiography of an American Communist. Westport, 1977. p. 206; CHARLES RUBIN. The Log of Rubin the Sailor. N.Y., 1973. p. 337-340.
6. PEGGY DENNIS. op. cit., p. 203-206.
7. KWONG. op. cit., p. 141.

8. "Vito Marcantonio on Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican Nationalism." In JOSE E. LOPEZ. Ed. Puerto Rican Nationalism: A Reader. Puerto Rican Cultural Center. Chicago, 1977, p. 119-120.
9. JOSE E. LOPEZ. "Introduction." In LOPEZ. op. cit., p. 22-24.
10. New York Times. November 1, 1950.
11. ibid.
12. GEORGE CHARNEY. A Long Journey. Chicago. 1968. p. 107.
13. Daily Worker. November 2, 1950.

1. KARL MARX. Capital. Vol. I. Moscow, 1960. p. 603-604.
2. Wall Street Journal. January 22, 1983; Financial Times. February 12, 1979.
3. EDWARDS. op. cit., p. 135-136.
4. New York Times. December 6, 1982.
5. Wall Street Journal. January 7, 1983.
6. Newsday. November 29, 1982.

1. WILLIAM SERRIN. "The Collapse of Our Industrial Heartland." New York Times Magazine. June 6, 1982.
2. LEONARD BROOM & NORVAL D. GLENN. "The Occupations and Income of Black Americans." In GLENN & BONIEAN. op. cit., p. 24, 41.
3. Daily Worker, January 30, 1953.
4. JOHN HOPE II. Equality of Opportunity. Washington, 1956. p. 10.
5. KEN COCKREL. "Our Thing is DRUM." Detroit. n.d. p. 11: FONER. Organized Labor. p. 421.
6. See: HERBERT HILL. "The ILGWU Today - The Decay of a Labor Union." New Politics. Vol. I, No. 4.
7. Figures derived from comparing number of management and professional employees as given in Wall Street Journal, March 22, 1983, to total employees as given in Standard & Poors Register 1983.
8. New York Times. April 14, 1983.
9. PETER F. DRUCKER. "Squeezing the Firm's Midriff Bulge." Wall Street Journal. March 25, 1983.
10. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS. Historical Statistics of the United States. Part II. Wash., 1975. p. 669.
11. COOK. op. cit.
12. Statistical Abstract... p. 400; Comparison derived from: New York Times. March 3, 1983; LARRY REMER. "Organizing Begins at Home." Mother Jones. May 1983.
13. Wall Street Journal. March 28, 1983.
14. Wall Street Journal. March 21, 1983.
15. WALTER F. MONDALE. "The U.S. Can Compete.'' New York Times. November 8. 1982.
16. New York Times. July 18, 1983.
17. New York Times. July 25, 1982, September 30, 1982.
18. ibid.
19. FRANCES MOORE LAPPE. Diet for a Small Planet. N.Y., 1982. p. 63.
20. New York Times. September 9, 1979.
21. New York Times. March 6, 1978.
22. PETER BAIRD & ED MCCAUGHAN. "POWER STRUGGLE: Labor & Imperialism In Mexico's Electrical Industry." NACLA Report. Sept.-Oct. 1977. p. 13; New York Times. March 31, 1983; Business Week. March, 1983. p. 87.
23. Business Week. March 14, 1983. p. 102.
24. Business Week. March 28, 1983.
25. New York Times. March 15, 1983.
26. New York Times. March 27, 1983.
27. ibid.
28. ibid.
29. DOUGLAS S. MASSEY. "Hordes of 'Illegals'? No." New York Times. May 31, 1979.
30. New York Times. June 3, 1979.
31. New York Times. February 26, 1981; March 27, 1983.
32. Washington Post. July 26, 1982.
1. FRIEDRICH ENGELS. Principles of Communism. N.Y., 1952. p. 7.
2. STEPHEN J. ROSE. Social Stratification in the United States. Baltimore, 1979. p. 18.
3. New York Times. March 14, 1983.
4. Percentages based on figures given in: BUREAU OF THE CENSUS. 1970 Census of Population. Vol. 1: Characteristics of the Population, Part 1: U.S. Summary. Section 2. GPO. Wash., 1973. p. 739-745.
5. ROSE. op. cit.. p. 28.
6. New York Times. September 18, 1979.
7. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS. Statistical Abstract of the U.S. 1981. Washington. 1981. P. 763-766; New York Times. September 25, 1977...
8. Statistical Abstract... p. 624-628.
9. New York Times. November 25, 1979.
10. Newsweek, January 17, 1983. "The Work Revolution."
11. Statistical Abstract... p. 420; ROSE. op. cit., p. 20-26.
12. New York Times. January 8, 1982; In These Times. December 15-21, 1982; San Jose News. June 10, 1982.
13. New York Times. May 30, 1982; Wall Street Journal. April 7, 1983.
14. LAPPE. OD. cit., p. 37-38.
15. Wall street Journal. April 7, 1983.
16. LEE SLOAN. "Maligning Black Veterans." New York Times, September 14, 1980.
17. Statistical Abstract... p. 403; New York Times. January 17, 1980.
18. CHRISTOPHER JENCKS. "How We Live Now." New York Times Book Review. April 10, 1983; New York Times. December 21, 1978.
19. New York Times. April 9, 1983.
20. New York Times. March 20, 1983.
21. New York Times. August 21, 1979.
22. New York Times. November 16, 1981.
23. JOHN EGERTON. "Boom or Bust in the Hollows of Appalachia." New York Times Magazine. October 18, 1981.
24. op. cit., p. 187.
25. ibid., p. 151.

thanks for that swampxman, i was going to do that myself

received the books i ordered and currently scanning them in for XIV
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