In an attempt to lure black voters to the Republican ticket, boxers Muhammad Ali, George Frazier and Floyd Patterson appear with President Reagan on a Reagan-sponsored billboard on Chicago's South Side.
Top: Fighting mad: youths scramble to attack a motorist making a high-speed retreat
Bottom: Street-corner society: residents amid the combat wreckage of down-and-out Overtown
Bottom: A neighborhood youth sits in front of a UN and OAU representatives at a memorial service held in Harlem, New York on Jan. 24, 1973 for the slain Amilcar Cabral (U.N. photo/Yutaka Nagata)
American GI parties with Grenadian women in St. Georges
Help-wanted signs at a gasoline station in Paramus, N.J., above, and a fast-food restaurant in Ridgewood, N.J. Top, teen-agers passing time at the Smith Haven (L.I.) Mall. Most said they could have had summer jobs but chose not to work.
Headline: Summer Jobs In Suburbs Left Unfilled
Barefoot in the mud stand peasant villagers at one end of Russia's social spectrum.
In Czarist Russia, enveloped in bureaucracy, water was apportioned at such "stations."
Czarist hangman takes down body
Alexandra Kollontai, the most prominent woman Bolshevik, as she appeared in 1908.
Nadezhda Krupskaya, coordinator of the Bolshevik underground network
Ruins of the State Prison which was burned and its prisoners freed during the February Revolution.
The forged passport with the portrait taken in disguise that Lenin used to escape to Finland after a warrent for his arrest had been issued in July, 1917.
Lenin, Iskra, and the Bolsheviks 1900-1917
Vladimir Ulyanov, known as Lenin, was born in Simbirsk in 1870. His elder brother was executed in 1887 for attempting to assassinate Alexander III. From 1887 to 1893 Lenin was a member of revolutionary centres in Kazan and Samara, and from 1893 to 1897 in St. Petersburg. He was exiled to Siberia in 1897. Released in 1900, he emigrated to western Europe. In 1898, while he was in Siberia, the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was founded. Although it never had the same mass following as the Socialist Revolutionaries it was dedicated to the complete destruction of the Tsarist-capitalist system. Lenin tried to control the Social Democrats through the Iskra (Spark) organisation and newspaper. In 1903 the Social Democrats split. From 1903 to 1917 Lenin led the Bolshevik (majority) section against the Menshevik (minority) section, on whose fringes Trotsky hovered. In 1912 the Bolsheviks broke entirely with the Social Democratic factions. With only a brief return to Russia in October 1905, Lenin lived in western Europe from 1900 to 1917.
Top: Demonstrations of soldiers, civilians, and officials in the streets of Sian, demanding the end of civil war, and a united front against Japan. This is a peasant unit.
Bottom: The official figures of the Shanghai Municipal Council revealed that from 32,000 to 35,000 dead bodies were picked up in the streets of the city each year and buried in paupers' graves.
Left: Li Ta-chao (1888-1927), one of the founders of the Chinese Communist Party. "Li Ta-chao became, during his relatively brief life, which ended in execution by strangulation, the single most important Chinese radical political influence in his time, the first impressive Chinese interpreter of Marxism, and the first major contributor to a system or ideology which may be called Chinese Marxist thought. To say that without Li Ta-chao there could have been no Mao Tse-tung may be an overstatement, but some of the main features of Mao's thought are explicit or implicit in the writers of Li Ta-chao, which Mao implemented in action."
Right: Mikhail Borodin, Russian adviser to the Kuomintang, speaking in Hankow, March 1927.
Chu Teh (left) and Mao were reunited in Yenan after the Long March.
Without homes or families, children old enough to walk were old enough to beg.
Chen Tu-hsiu, the first general secretary (1921-27) of the Chinese Communist Party.
Sun Yat-sen was elected president of the Chinese Republic in 1911 and later served as the director of the Kuomintang ("National People's Party") until his death in 1925.
Mao Tse-tung looked younger than thirty-one when he posed for this photo in 1924. He was already a member of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang in Canton and the Chinese Communist Party, of which he was a founder.
Madame and Generalissimo Chiang
Left: A child worker, identified only by a number.
Right: "Surplus" market: The characters on the child's jacket read: "My name is Chen Feng-ying, a girl for sale."
A peasant woman stands in public accusation against a landlord
Four thousand workers, peasants, soldiers and students were mowed down in the counter-revolution which followed the Canton Commune, December 11, 1927.
Mao's first wife was Yang Kai-hui (1901-1930). Their marriage was celebrated as an "ideal romance" among radical youths in Hunan province.
Ho Lung. "It is said of him that he established a soviet district in Hunan with one knife. Early in 1928, he was hiding in a village when some Kuomintang tax collectors arrived. Leading a few villagers, he attacked the tax collectors and killed them with his own knife. From this he got enough revolvers and rifles to arm his first peasants' army."
Otto Braun was the only foreigner who made the Long March. He was married to a Chinese actress.
Top: The Tsunyi Conference, Kweichow, 1935
Bottom: Red-star-spangled young women in the soviet factories at Wuchicheng, north Shensi. The Chinese characters on the apron of the worker, in the middle, read: "Try Hard to Learn."
Kang Ke-ching, right
Stronger than most Red soldiers, she sometimes carried weak ones on her back during the Long March, which she made entirely on foot. She is an expert shot, and before her marriage commanded a partisan detachment herself; she frequently went to the front and fought with the soldiers. She was married to Chu Teh at Chingkangshan.
Red Army reading room
Left: Spinning cotton in a Yenan courtyard.
Right: Soldiers making sandals, as in the Kiangsi days.
A trio of "Little Red Devils."
Mass meeting of the International Labor Defense, which organized thousands of people in support of Scottsboro Boys, Sacco and Vanzetti, and other frame-up victims
The steles at Axum, strange and vast monoliths, are the chief surviving monuments of an ancient and brilliant civilization. They mark the imposing continuity, partly historical and partly legendary, of the Ethiopian state. Here the queen of Sheba is believed to have reigned, and here the rulers of Ethiopia, including Haile Selassie, have been crowned.
Ethiopia, with its proud civilization, faced a European power that it regarded as in no way superior--Ethiopia's culture was ancient and rich, and the Fascist version of European culture was deformed and corrupt. Ethiopia was armed with spears and outdated rifles against Italy's planes and machine guns.
The Ethiopian artillary, meager and obsolete, made a brave show.
Menelek II came to the throne in 1889. He was a man of stupendous powers: he vastly expanded Ethiopia's boundaries, he defeated the Italians, he began the huge task of building a modern state. His intelligence and character, universally recognized by contemporaries, are discernible in the photograph.
Haile Selassie stood on the balcony of his palace and called on his people for a crusade of national defense against Italy.
Camels, which were useful in the desert but died in the highlands, were almost the only transport, except for donkeys, that the Ethiopians had.
Left: Mussolini (left) and Marshal Pietro Badoglio
Right: Haile Selassie inspects a machine gun.
The Ethiopian army was in large part tribal, in lesser part feudal, and in very small part modern. The soldiers were often wildly self-confident, counting on providence, numbers, and their own bravery.
On June 30, 1936, after his armies had been destroyed and he had gone into exile, Emperor Haile Selassie delivered his greatest speech. Before the League of Nations Assembly in Geneva, he pleaded for aid against his Italian conquerors. He got none, but he changed the history of the world. It was the most moving moment in the history of the dying League, and the emperor, the conscience of the world, called forth a new hatred and fear of Fascist aggression and a new militancy among those who were to fight it.
One of the most remarkable figures of the war was an American black named Hubert Julian, known as the "Black Eagle of Harlem," shown on horseback. He trained a squadron of pilots to defend the last independent country of Africa. In 1935 he became an Ethiopian subject, and, briefly, leader of the Ethiopian air force. A passionable man and an able pilot, he caught the imagination of Ethiopians and American blacks alike and became, for a time, their hero.
"The East is the East and the West is the West and Never the Twain shall meet (Ant: You're a liar.)
Left: Islamic (Moro) farmer, Philippines
Right: Indigenous tribesman, Philippines
Claude McKay (1889-1948) left the West Indies to study agriculture at Tuskegee and at Kansas State University before coming to Harlem.
Above, Indonesian sailors who walked off ships in U.S. ports in 1945 because they refused to transport Dutch troops and arms to be used against their homeland.
New York Chinatown demonstration against the Japanese invasion of China.
The lonely grave of Baby Jerry Ogata in Manzanar concentration camp.
Women of the U.N.I.A. Black Legion
Men of the U.N.I.A. Black Legion
William Edward Burghardt Du Bois
Left: E. Franklin Frazier, head of the department of sociology at Howard University
Right: Ralph Bunche with his wife and son after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 1950.
Selma Burke, WPA Federal Art Project sculptress, beside her bust of Booker T. Washington
A WPA teacher gives a free music lesson.
Harry Haywood with French journalist Leon Mousinac during Spanish Civil War
Sharecropper Rosa Lee Ingram and her sons, Sammie, fourteen, and Wallace, sixteen, who were all sentenced to death in 1948 in Albany, Georgia, for slaying in self-defense an armed white farmer who struck Mrs. Ingram in the face while she and her sons were working in the fields.
83 (pre-text to Chapter 5)
Ours is a struggle with continuity, unbroken except occasionally in our own minds. We have, and must continue to struggle from one generation to the next; evolving in time and space, a people in motion, regaining independence and making history.
Ours is a mass struggle, a people's struggle, a struggle involving the participation of the young and old, the female and the male. Ours is a struggle of an entire people, a whole nation oppressed and moving toward a new way of life on a planet made mad by greed and fear.
Our struggle involves our elders, the refugees who were forced to abandon the National Territory, head north and northwest, during the "migrations".
They were REFUGEES, those who "migrated" from the National Territory during the WWI and WWII years. Our elders were REFUGEES during the years of the "Black Codes" when they fled the National Territory.
The cities of amerikkka are full of New Afrikan refugees who entered them during the '30's, the '40's, escaping the klan and the southern prison. One step ahead of the hounds, a few minutes ahead of the lynch mob is how many New Afrikans came north. Refugees from the National Territory.
New Afrikans now living in Peoria, Brooklyn, Oakland, and Des Moines, were born in Clarksdale, Mississippi, and Greensboro, North Carolina. Twelve-year-old bloods boarded trains in New Orleans, Mobile and Atlanta, loaded with stained brown paper bags of cold chicken, cardboard suitcases, and dreams of big cities were work was available and where white folks weren't so mean.
We became refugees from the National Territory; We came with dreams and We wanted "to forget the past", to forget the oppression and terror, to forget the snarls of red necks and the strange fruit of poplar trees. Far too many of us forgot that the struggle goes on, from one generation to the next. We forgot that We were simply refugees, and not yet free.
The '40's, '50's and even the early '60's were years which say New Afrikan faces rubbed with Royal Crown so they wouldn't be "ashy"; saw our heads plastered with Murry's, saw noses and lips as repulsive objects in the thin-shaped beauty standards of amerikkka.
These same years saw us move gradually farther from our first stops upon leaving trains and buses; they say the familiies that came north move farther "out south" and into dwellings just abandoned by whites; they saw us move further from each other and the strength which allowed us to survive and maintain the consciousness of ourselves as one people, struggling from one generation to the next, until We are free.
Being colonial subjects situated so hear the seat of empire has blurred our vision. Slaves in "the richest country in the world" -- while still slaves -- are "better off" than slaves elsewhere. Amerikkka is the "big house" of the plantation it has made of a good part of the world. It is more difficult now than in the past, for us to feel acutely the chains that bind us -- enough so that We begin again to pass on the history, to begin again to socialize the children and hand down awareness that comes with being taught the survival/resistance techniques needed to overcome the obstacles to our independence presented by the settlers who rule.
From one generation to the next is how We must move, until the nation is sovereign.
--Atiba Shanna, New Afrikan P.O.W. Journal Book Three
Malcolm's weekly rallies at 125th and Lenox--known now as Malcolm X Square--drew such large crowds that each week police closed off the street.
Baseball bat in hand, a segregationist assaults a Negro woman as Negro college students attempted to integrate the courthouse lunchroom in Montgomery, Ala., in 1960.
A sit-in by Negroes closed a lunch-counter in a downtown Chattanooga variety store in February, 1960.
A class attending a citizenship school at Dorchester, Ga., in a training program for fuller participation in civic life established by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.
Young people come in busloads to line up at the registrar's office in Macon, Ga. In one year, with the help of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Bibb County Citizens' Negotiation Committee doubled Negro voter-registration.
A Negro church in Leesburg, Ga., was burned by racists because the church was used for voter registration.
A bus carrying Freedom Riders was destroyed by a fire bomb when it entered the state of Alabama.
James Zerg, a white Freedom Rider, was attacked at the Montgomery, Ala. bus terminal. White ambulances refused to take him to a doctor.
Members of a press conference held in Montgomery, Ala., during the Freedom Rides of May, 1961, included (from top left) James Farmer, the Reverend Ralph Abernathy, the Reverend Martin Luther King and John Lewis, who had been beaten on his arrival in Montgomery.
Text: "Negro youngsters must be encouraged to prepare for new job opportunities. They can no longer use discrimination as an excuse for lack of education and preparation." Thomas Bradley, Los Angeles City Councilman
Text: "I dare say that 85% of all Negroes do not adhere to nonviolence... They are allowing the nonviolent movement to go ahead because it is working." James Forman, Executive Secretary of S.N.C.C.
Top: Malcolm X "makes it plain" at Temple Number Seven in Harlem.
Bottom: Malcolm makes phone call from Muslim store in Chicago.
Minister Henry X takes Muslim youths on tour of the Museum of Natural History. "This was our culture before the white man kidnapped us", he tells them.
Joe Remiro as a grunt in a Long Range Reconnaissance Platoon, Vietnam, 1966. "The infantry was black, man. It was black and Mexican... Only the leadership was white. I was trained to be a switchboard operator but I was put in the infantry because I had a Mexican name..."
GIs commemorate Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s birthday in Long Binh, Vietnam, 1971.
Two GIs in Germany salute an officer.
"Hey man... you see where I left my roach clip?"
The January 31, 1971 ELA police brutality demonstration, attended by 7,000 to 10,000 persons.
Deputies fire weapons at Chicanos... they begin to fall. Sheriff Pitchess stated that even if tear gas had been available, deputies should have used their firearms (Los Angeles Times, February 3, 1971).
Speculation amidst the dying.
Barnett with Rui de Pinto, MPLA column commander at the Angola-Zambia border, 1970.
Barnett: founder of LSM.
LSM photographer captures a moment of gaiety during the presenation of a bullhorn to PRA representative. Extreme left and right: PRA delegates Mendes de Carvalho and Dinis de Gama. Center: LSM members Ole Gjerstad and Carol Barnett.
Over the holidays we plotted war on amerika...
SDS Convention, June 1969. Bernardine Dorne speaks to the anti-PL delegates prior to official split with PL. Photo: David Fenton/LNS
1970: Dohrn was wanted by the FBI for violating federal antiriot law but those charges were dropped.
Terry Robbins. Photo: David Fenton/LNS
An apparently accidental dynamite blast left three dead in the burned-out socket of this 125-year-old, $250,000 town house in Greenwich Village.
One victim of the town house blast was Diana Oughton. She is at right, in Flint, Mich. police photo of a 1969 S.D.S. convention.
Newark, New Jersey, July 1967 -- After three straight nights of rioting by blacks in Newark, a black man lies dead (above). According to police, he had refused to obey an order to halt after being caught looking at a burning building after curfew had been imposed.
Detroit, Michigan. July 1967 -- In the summer of 1967, severe unrest in the black communities led to heavy rioting in many cities throughout the country. Perhaps the worst racial rioting in modern United States history occurred on Detroit's West Side.
At the training camp of Muhammed Ali (then Cassius Clay) in Miami in 1963.
As members of the Los Angeles County Fire Department work to extinguish flames in a blazing furniture store, a National Guardsman stands vigilant to protect them. Sniper fire was still prevalent along Imperial Ave. in the Watts area when this picture was taken early Saturday morning, August 14. Many firemen were shot at and injured by hurled bricks.
Chairman Mao Tse-tung autographs a book of his quotations for the American Robert Williams in Peking, 1967.
Black Panther party voter-registration drive, Bogalusa, La.
On February 21, 1965, Malcolm X--renamed El Hajj Malik El-Shabazz--was gunned down at the Audubon Ballroom on West 166th Street.
Ron Everett (Karenga)
Ron Karenga (center) of US (United Slaves), surrounded by bodyguards; Bunchy Carter is on the right. They are pictured here at a black unity rally but Karenga and US were ultimately responsible for Carter's death.
New York Panthers at court house to support 21
Panther Headquarters after a visit from the LAPD
Little Bobby Hutton. He and Cleaver found refuge in a house where they were forced to surrender. Hutton was killed anyway.
Fred Hampton's bedroom door, riddled with bullets.
The US pioneered many social programs in South Vietnam, like free trash pickup atop these Saigon apartments.
Nothing is too difficult:
All one needs to fear is lack of resolve.
Whether the task is to move mountains or fill up seas:
One can do it if one has enough determination.
--Ho Chi Minh
Eldridge Cleaver, candidate for president, Peace and Freedom party, October 1968. Cleaver's appeal to the young (Berkeley) white audience.
Text: Panther 21 to The Weather Underground
We wish to make known to you that we feel an unrighteous act has been done to you by the self-proclaimed "vanguard" parties by their obvious neglect in not openly supporting you-- by their obvious disregard of and silence on your righteous revolutionary actions. But they have all but ignored us also--so in that respect we are in similar waters. But we wish to inform you that the most revolutionary and progressive brothers that we have met within the confines of a maximum security Babylon--along with us--have considered you one of the-- if not the true-- vanguard within the artificial boundaries of the United States of Amerikkka at this time. You related to action-- the unequivocal truth-- by which revolutionaries gauge each other.
Panther 21, January 1971
Harlem youth full and ready to learn.
Fannie Lou Hamer (1917-1977)
Text: Peter Middleton is a traitor. He was nothing before the New Afrikan Independence Movement gave him a life and he is a dead man now. The movement made him a doctor and taught him how to heal the ravages of colonial terror against the Black Nation. He fought drugs. The movement taught him how to prepare Black people for war to be healthy, strong, able to defend...
Demonstration at opening of Goshen Trial (note: caption on pic extends into book text)
Text highlight: Revolutionary Morality: Over the past two years, corruption in the revolutionary movements-- the use and tolerance of drugs and pimping-- has come to light; and a new, revolutionary morality is being fought for.
Cecil Ferguson, right, suspect in Brink's robbery, in custody at F.B.I. office.
Text: according to one of the Brink's defendants--a BLA member, Kuwesi Bulagoon--the robbery was a revolutionary "expropriation" carried out to wring a war tax from the U.S. government.
Reader's Digest, Terror Network, U.S.A. From top left, in reading order: Susan Lisa Rosenberg, Mutulu Shakur, Cheri Laverne Dalton, Joanne Deborah Chesimard, Alan Berkman, Marilyn Jean Buck
(1). V.I. LENIN, “Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up”, On the National Question and Proletarian Revolution, Moscow, 1972, p. 142-148.
(3). MICHAEL FUTRELL, Northern Underground, London, 1963, p. 51-65.
(1). V.I. LENIN, “Preliminary Draft of Thesis on the National and Colonial Questions”, (June 5, 1920), Lenin on the National and Colonial Questions, Three Articles, Peking, 1966, p. 23.
(2). JAMES PINCKNEY HARRISON, The Endless War, Fifty Years of Struggle in Vietnam, N.Y., 1982, p. 67.
(3). General account of development of Chinese Revolution and Comintern in 1923-35 period drawn from:
HAN SUYIN, The Morning Deluge, Mao Tsetung and the Chinese Revolution 1893-1954, Boston, 1972.
AGNES SMEDLEY, The Great Road, N.Y., 1956.
STUART SCHRAM, Mao Tse-Tung, Baltimore, 1967.
HELLEN FOSTER SNOW, The Chinese Communists, Sketches and Autobiographies of the Old Guard, Westport, 1972.
EDGAR SNOW, Red Star Over China, N.Y., 1938.
JOHN E. RUE, Mao Tse-Tung in Opposition 1927-1935, Stanford, 1966.
E.H. CARR, The Interregnum 1923-1924, Baltimore, 1969.
(4). AGNES SMEDLEY, The Great Road, N.Y., 1956, p. 148.
(5). MAO TSETUNG, “On the Ten Major Relationships”, Peking Review, Jan. 1, 1977.
(1). MARK NAISON, “Marxism and Black Radicalism in America: The Communist Party Experience”, Radical America, May-June 1971.
(2). NELL PAINTER & HOSEA HUDSON, “Hosea Hudson: A Negro Communist in The Deep South”, Radical America, July-August 1977.
(3). JAMES W. FORD & HARRY GAINES, War in Africa, N.Y., 1935, p. 28-29.
(4). AGNES SMEDLEY, Battle Hymn of China, N.Y., 1943, p. 108-109.
(5). AGNES SMEDLEY, The Great Road, N.Y., 1972, p. 333.
(6). FORD & GAINES, p. 29.
(7). DENNIS MACK SMITH, Mussolini’s Roman Empire, N.Y., 1976, p. 78-81.
(10). BRICE HARRIS, JR., The United States and the Italo-Ethiopian Crisis, Stanford, 1964, p. 44.
(11). SMITH, p. 87.
(12). JOHN P. DIGGINS, Mussolini and Fascism: The View From America, Princeton, 1972, p. 287-312.
(16). SMITH, p. 307.
(17). CLAUDE MCKAY, Harlem: Negro Metropolis, N.Y., 1940, p. 200-201.
(18). DIGGINS, op. cit.
(19). Congressional Record, 74th Congress, 2nd Session, Vol. 80, Pt. 1, p. 2219-2221.
(20). WILLIAM R. SCOTT, “Black Nationalism and the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict 1934-1936”, Journal of Negro History, 1977, p. 118-134.
(21). Negro Liberator, March 15, 1935.
(24). FORD & GAINES, p. 30-31.
(25). MARK NAISON, Communists in Harlem During the Depression, N.Y., 1983, p. 155, 175.
(26). Negro Liberator, Sept. 2, 1935.
(27). VITTORIO VIDOTTO, The Italian Communist Party From Origin to 1946, Bologna, 1975, p. 314-322.
(29). MCKAY, p. 189.
(30). Negro Liberator, March 15, 1935.
(31). NAISON, p. 196.
(32). MAO TSETUNG, On Protracted War, Peking, 1967, p. 3.
(33). FORD & GAINES, p. 28-29.
(34). On Protracted War, p. 20-21.
(35). SMITH, p. 81.
(36). HARRIS, JR., p. 140-142.
(37). NAISON, p. 196.
(1). Information on French revisionism re Algerian liberation drawn from:
KONRAD MELCHERS, “Racism Communism—How the French Communist Party Tried to Sabotage the Algerian Revolution,” Ikwezi, March 1980;
ALASTAIR HORNE, A Savage War of Peace, London, 1977, p. 23-28.
(2). Rectify Errors and Rebuild the Party, Congress of re-establishment, Communist Party of the Phillippines, Dec. 26, 1968. Published by the Filipino Support Group, London, 1977, p. 13.
(3). ALFREDO B. SAULO, Communism in the Phillippines, Manila, 1969, p. 32-35. Rectify Errors…, p. 4-5.
(4). For general discussion of this line, see: AMADO GUERRERO, Philippine Society & Revolution, Oakland, 1969.
(5). CLAUDE MCKAY, A Long Way From Home, NY., 1970, p. 164-166.
(6). RICHARD O. BOYER, The Dark Ship, Boston, 1947, p. 269.
(7). PETER KWONG, Chinatown, N.Y. Labor & Politics, 1930-1950, N.Y., 1979, p. 119-128.
(11). KARL YONEDA, “100 Years of Japanese Labor in the U.S.”, in Roots: An Asian American Reader, Los Angeles, 1971, p. 150-158.
(12). MICHI WEGYN, Years of Infamy, N.Y., 1976, p. 121-123.
(13). NAISON, p. 5-8. Unless otherwise noted this work is the source for the data in
(14). HARRY HAYWOOD, Black Bolshevik, Chicago, 1978, p. 121-130.
(16). Crisis, June 1934.
(17). BEN STOLBERG, “Black Chauvinism”, Nation, May 15, 1935.
(18). Letter to the Editor for Sterling A. Brown, Ralph J. Bunche, Emmet E. Dorsay, E. Franklin Frazier, Nation, July 3, 1935.
(19). Letter to the Editor from James S. Allen, Nation, July 3, 1935.
(20). “The Question Box”, Negro Liberator, N.Y., 1940, p. 185-216.
(21). RICHARD WRIGHT, American Hunger, N.Y., 1983, p. 113.
(22). NAISON, p. 193-195.
(23). WILLIAM R. SCOTT, op. Cit.
(24). CLAUDE MCKAY, Harlem, Negro Metropolis, N.Y., 1940, p. 185-216.
(25). NAISON, p. 196-197.
(26). MCKAY, Harlem Metropolis, p. 216.
(27). MARK NAISON, “Marxism and Black Radicalism in America: The Communist Party Experience,” Radical America, May-June 1971, p. 19.
(1). DAVID L. LEWIS, King: A Critical Biography, Baltimore, 1971, p. 90. Unless otherwise indicated, this book is the general source for all quotations and background information in this section.
(2). REESE CLEGHORN, “Epilogue in Albany: Were the Mass Marches Worthwhile?”, The New Republic, July 20, 1963.
(4). “Secret Talk in Capital On Georgia”, New York Post, August 4, 1962.
(5). HOWARD ZINN, SNCC: The New Abolitionists, Boston, 1964, p. 211-212. “The Albany Cases”, The Nation, April 20, 1964.
(6). ZINN, op. cit.
(7). Interview with member of National CORE staff.
(8). While this is made clear in LEWIS, Aldon D. Morris’ The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change quotes Dr. King directly on this point.
(9). EL HAJJ MALIK EL SHABAZZ, “Message to the Grass Roots”, in GEORGE BREITMAN, Ed., Malcolm X Speaks, N.Y., 1966, p. 3-17.
(10). DANIEL S. DAVIS, Mr. Black Labor, N.Y., 1972, p. 148.
(11). EL HAJJ MALIK EL SHABAZZ, “God’s Judgement of White Amerika (The Chickens Are Coming Home to Roost), in BENJAMIN GOODMAN, Ed., The End of White World Supremacy, Four Speeches by Malcolm X, N.Y., 1971, p. 146.
(12). Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, N.Y., 1968, p. 35-38.
(14). BREITMAN, Ed., p. 194.
(15). JOHN O. KILLENS in “Talking Book: Oral History of a Movement”, Village Voice, February 26, 1985.
(16). BREITMAN, Ed., p. 85.
(17). BREITMAN, Ed., p. 212.
(1). IRVING LOUIS HOROWITZ, The Struggle Is The Message: Organization and Ideology of the Anti-War Movement, Berkeley, 1970, p. 105.
(2). DANIEL S. DAVIS, Mr. Black Labor, N.Y., 1972, p. 126-130.
(3). LEWIS, p. 249-250.
(4). ibid., p. 260.
(5). ibid., p. 304-305.
(6). COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Guerrilla Warfare Advocates in the United States, Washington, 1968, p. 17-18.
(7). LEWIS, p. 303; ROBERT W. MULLEN, Blacks in America’s Wars, N.Y., 1973, p. 68.
(8). LEWIS, p. 296.
(9). ibid., p. 312 and 357.
(10). ibid., p. 311 and 304.
(11). HOUSE COMMITTEE, op. cit., p. 21.
(12). HOROWITZ, p. 15.
(13). NEIL MILLER, “Coming of Age in the ‘80s”, In These Times, Oct. 17-23, 1984.
(14). KIRKPATRICK SALE, SDS, N.Y., 1973, p. 632-643.
(15). DAVID SIFF, “Judgement At Madison”, University Review, March, 1974.
(17). HOUSE COMMITTEE, op. cit., p. 40-46.
(19). MULLEN. p. 77-79.
(20). MYRA MACPHERSON, Long Time Passing: Vietnam and the Haunted Generation, Garden City, 1984, p. 552-571.
(21). MULLEN, p. 81-84.
(22). DAVID F. ADDLESTONE & SUSAN SHERER, “Race in Viet Nam”, Civil Liberties, February, 1973.
(24). MACPHERSON, op. cit.
(25). FRED HALSTEAD, Out Now! N.Y., 1978, p. 637.
(26). DR. ARMANDO MORALES, ANDO SAGRANDO, I Am Bleeding, La Puente, 1972, p. 570-575.
(1). “About LSM”, LSM News, Vol. 3, Issue 2, Summer 1976.
(2). DON BARNETT, Toward an International Strategy, Richmond, 1972, p. 15-16.
(3). DON BARNETT, “LSM: Problems in Theory, Strategy, & Practice”, LSM News, Vol. 1, No. 3, December 1974.
(5). KAREN ASHLEY, BILL AYRES, BERNARDINE DOHRN, JOHN JACOBS, JEFF JONES, GERRY LONG, HOWIE MACHTINGER, JIM MELLEN, TERRY ROBBINS, MARK RUDD, STEVE TAPPIS, “You Don’t Need a Weatherman to Know Which Way the Wind Blows”, in HAROLD JACOBS, Ed., Weatherman, N.Y., 1970, p. 51-90.
(6). BILL AYERS, “A Strategy to Win”, in JACOBS, p. 183-195.
(7). JACOBS, p. 509.
(8). The Weather Underground, Report of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, Washington, 1975, p. 11-12.
(9). The Weather Underground, p. 28.
(10). GEORGE TYLER, “Weather Underground: Driving down a dead end street”, Unity, Nov. 6-19, 1981.
(11). The Weather Underground, p. 40.
(12). KAREN ASHLEY, et al.
(13). JACOBS, p. 509.
(14). “TAPE FROM BERNARDINE DOHRN (November 1976)”, In The Split of the Weather Underground Organization, Seattle, 1977, p. 33-35.
(15). “Stormy Weather”, in JACOBS, p. 346.
(16). JACOBS, p. 516.
(17). “New Morning – Changing Weather”, East Village Other, Dec. 22, 1970.
(18). “Open Letter to the Weather Underground from the Panther 21”, East Village Other, January 19, 1971.
(19). W.U.O., Prairie Fire, S.F., 1974, p. 1.
(20). ibid., p. 134-136.
(21). ibid., p. 10-11.
(22). ibid., p. 145.
(23). ibid., p. 10.
(24). ibid., p. 115-117.
(25). ibid., p. 28-34.
(26). ibid., p. 139-140.
(27). ibid., p. 30.
(28). ibid., p. 636-638.
(29). REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE, “Criticism of the Central Committee”, in The Split of the Weather Underground Organization, p. 25-32.
(30). CELIA SOJOURN AND BILLY AYERS, Politics in Command, n.d.
(31). As an example of the major criticisms of the Hard Times Conference, see: A Single Spark: Internal Newsletter of the prairie fire organizing committee, No. 1, May 1976.
(32). STEPHEN BROOK, New York Days, New York Nights, N.Y. 1985, p. 148-152.
(33). REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE, “WUO Public Self-Criticism”, in The Split…, p. 18.
(34). “New Morning – Changing Weather”, op. cit.
- The were "festivals of the oppressed." - they
- The housing projects were hose with heavy machine-gun fire. - hosed
- By 1963 street demonstrations in North Philadelphia, blocking construction sties where New Afrikans. - sites, also the second half of the sentence is a fragment
- Ford Foundation funds paid for Cleveland CORE to set up rallies for the Black candidate for Mayor, Carl Stokes. And in the elections, Stokes became the first New Afrikan mayor of a major U.S. city (in the 20th Century). While both rebellions and savage police repression took place in 1968, Stokes' election was the
- Black Power explicityly preached the inferior position of New Afrikan women to New Afrikan men
- No because of FBI-COINTELPRO or the Klan - not
- The Party was form its birth in 1966 - from
- In the next year the Party became a precense on the New Afrikan political scene
- Panthers intervfiewed witnesses
- Huey and Bobby were putting on instant political line by borrowing rhetoric - missing an 'an' after on
- The small delegation ended pu on the Assembly floor,
- Bobby Seale himself was arrested in New Haven, Conn. On a conspiracy murder charge
- Forman’s assistant explained to the activists that since they had no followed orders - not
- They constantly tell us that if we report to violent self-defense -resort
- A larger problem might be that many Third-World revs here, while wanted to get out of their oppression, don’t entirely want to separate from the “good life” of the “Big House”. - wanting
- the view was widespread that the New Afrikan revolution sohuld be completely financed
- The fighters were a force that had no strategy, no long-range path, and was therefore living only day-to-day. - were
- Today is may sound crazy - it
- there is still much potential unit but no developed unity. - sounds more doge than sakai
- Because building revolutionary organization, building national unity and Peoples War, cannot be done by mass spontaneity alone. At that point new progress waiting on conscious political development to end “the dark night of slavery”. - second sentence is fragmentary
- The old Movement helped usher in dramatic changes, unseen since the first Reconstruction of the 1970s. - probably 1870s
- A very large national defense campaign was wages - waged
i changed one caption, 161, to a joke i read on twitter
i forgot to keep track of edits when i started reading but the mistakes were not noticeable except for chapter eight in fnfi which i think is the longest chapter. so i went back and made a list of the edits i could find in that chapter.
thanks, I made those edits. also went through the other pages and did html/spell checks. also rezipped the site for download: http://www.readmarxeveryday.ml/fnfi/xtras/fnfi.zip
toyo - have you started working on transcribing the footnotes for 8/9? was going to do it if you haven't, let me know...
toyo - have you started working on transcribing the footnotes for 8/9? was going to do it if you haven't, let me know...
(1). EL HAJJ MALIK EL SHABAZZ, “The Black Revolution”, in GEORGE BREITMAN, ed., Malcolm X Speaks, N.Y., 1966, p. 45-57.
(2). Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, N.Y., 1968, p. 56-69.
(3). ibid., p. 128-129.
(4). ibid., p. 129.
(5). LEWIS, p. 385.
(6). Vietnam G.I., May 1968 and August 1968.
(7). FRED HALSTEAD, Out Now!, N.Y., 1978, p. 386.
(8). ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, Negroes With Guns, N.Y., 1962, p. 111.
(9). See: A. MUHAMMAD AHMAD, History of RAM, Chicago, n.d., and COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Guerrilla Warfare Advocates in the United States, Washington, 1968, p. 16-24.
(11). Chicago’s American, October 16, 1968. A. MUHAMMAD AHMAD, p. 31-33.
(12). Fishmerchant’s Daughter: Yuri Kochiyama, An Oral History, N.Y., 1982, p. 9-10.
(13). LOWELL BERGMAN & DAVID WEIR, “Revolution on Ice”, Rolling Stone, September 9, 1976.
(14). “The CIA As An Equal Opportunity Employer”, The Black Panther, June 7, 1969.
(15). STOKELEY CARMICHAEL, “What We Want”, in BRADFORD CHAMBERS, Ed., Chronicles of Black Power Protest, N.Y., 1969. (Originally published in New York Review of Books, September 22, 1966.)
(16). ROBERT L. ALLEN, Black Awakening in Capitalist America, N.Y., 1970, p. 161.
(17). STOKELEY CARMICHAEL & CHARLES V. HAMILTON, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, N.Y., 1967, p. 44.
(18). CHAMBERS, p. 224.
(19). ALLEN, p. 136-137.
(20). ibid., p. 165.
(21). THE EXTENDED FAMILY – A Tribal Analysis of U.S. Africanists: Who They Are; Why to Fight Them, Africa Research Group, Cambridge, 1970, p. 12.
(22). ALLEN, p. 144-149.
(23). ibid., p. 228-229.
(24). IMARI ABUBAKARI OBADELE, Free the Land! Washington, 1984.
(25). ALLEN, p. 139.
(26). IMARI OBADELE, “The Struggle is for the Land”, Black Scholar, Fed. 1972. History of RAM, p. 33.
(27). GENE MARINE, The Black Panthers, N.Y., 1969. For the sake of convenience, unless otherwise noted this book by a member of the Ramparts magazine staff, based on interviews with Newton and Seale, is the source for quotations and events in this section.
(28). BERGMAN & WEIR, op. cit.
(29). Look For Me in The Whirlwind, N.Y., 1971, p. 296.
(30). ELDRIDGE CLEAVER, The Land Question, mimeo 8 p. pamphlet, n.d.
(31). The Black Panther, June 7, 1969.
(32). Based on interviews with former members of SNCC and CORE.
(33). For a highly critical view of Forman’s role in the LRBW, see A. MUHAMMAD AHMAD, The League of Revolutionary Black Workers.
(34). COMMISSION FOR THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY, 50 Years of Activities of the Communist Party of Vietnam, Hanoi, 1980, p. 13-17.
(35). ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, Negroes With Guns, N.Y., 1962, p. 114.
(36). CLAUDE LIGHTFOOT, Turning Point in Freedom Road, N.Y., 1962, p. 17.
(37). ALLEN, p. 34-35.
(38). “Historic ALSC Conference Discussed: WHICH ROAD FOR BLACK PEOPLE?”, The African World, Vol. IV, No. 5, July 1974.
(39). Big Mama Rag, April 1984, Vol. 12, No. 4. POLITICAL BUREAU OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE APSP, “Party Bulletin”, The Burning Spear, March 1984.
(40). “AJONA IFATEYO: Speaking Up Front”, Off Our Backs, November 1984.
(41). OMALI YESHITELA, Not One Step Backward!, Oakland, 1982, p. 160-162.
(42). DONALD WOOD, Biko, London, 1978.
(43). “Panther Party Split Deepens”, Guardian, March 13, 1971.
(44). “On Contradictions Within the Black Panther Party”, Right On!, April 3, 1971.
(45). Right On!, April 3, 1971.
(46). ELMER GERONIMO PRATT, “The New Urban Guerrilla”, Right On!, May 17, 1971.
(47). East Village Other, January 19, 1971.
(48). BERGMAN & WEIR, op. cit.
(49). SAFIYA ASYA BUKHARI, “Coming of Age: A New Afrikan Revolutionary”, Notes From a New Afrikan P.O.W. Journal, Book 7.
(50). BERGMAN & WEIR, op. cit.
(53). Right On!, April 3, 1971. The comes from a transcript of a tape-recorded political education class, said to have been held by the Algiers Section on January 31, 1971.
(54). ELDRIDGE CLEAVER, “On Lumpen Ideology”, The Black Scholar, Nov.-Dec., 1972.
(55). “On the Progress of the Black Liberation Struggle”, Right On! Jan. 1-31, 1972.
(56). break de chains, N.Y., 1973, National Committee for the Defense of JoAnne Chesimard and Clark Squire, p. 11-16.
(57). Right On!, November 15, 1971.
(58). TRUONG CHINH, “The Resistance Will Win”, in Selected Writings, Hanoi, 1977, p. 168.
(59). JAN HILLEGAS, “Republic of New Afrika meeting harassed”, Guardian, April 10, 1971.
(60). Chicago Sun-Times, August 19, 1971. Right On! February 29, 1972.
(61). Right On!, February 29, 1972. “FBI Frame-Up”, Guardian, February 22, 1978.
(62). Right On!, February 29, 1972.
(63). IMARI ABUBAKARI OBADELE, “The Struggle Is For The Land”, Black Scholar, February 1972.
(64). IMARI ABUBAKARI OBADELE, The Eight Strategic Elements For Success of a Black Nation in America, 10 p. mimeo pamphlet, n.d. Speech to the Third Annual Black Power Convention, Philadelphia, September 1968.
(65). BROTHER IMARI, War in America: The Malcolm X Doctrine, Detroit, 1969, revised edition, p. 57.
(67). Eight Strategic Elements…, op. cit.
(68). War in America, p. 52.
(69). War in America, p. 21.
(70). War in America, p. 55-57.
(71). “The Struggle Is For The Land”, op. cit.
(72). IMARI ABUBAKARI OBADELE, Free The Land! Washington, 1984, p. 224-225.
(73). MELVIN WOLFF, Lunch at the 5&10, N.Y., 1970, p. 185-186.
(74). N.Y. Times, June 28, 1983.
(75). PAULA GIDDINGS, Where and When I Enter, N.Y., 1984, p. 313.
(76). “Talking Back: Oral History of a Movement”, Village Voice, February 26, 1985.
(77). GIDDINGS, p. 311.
(78). Burning Spear, “Special Free Edition”, November 1977.
(1). EUGENE H. METHVIN, “Terror Network, U.S.A.”, Readers Digest, December 1984.
M.A. FARBER, “Behind the Brink’s Case: Return of the Radical Left”, N.Y. Times, February 16, 1982.
(2). The New Afrikan, Vol. IX, No. 3, December 18 adM (1983)
(3). Arm The Spirit, No. 14, Fall 1982.
(4). JUDY CLARK & DAVID GILBERT, “The Verdict Is Still Out – Evaluation of the Trial Stand & Strategy”, Resistance, Vol. 2, No. 3, Oct./Nov. 1983.
(5). Arm The Spirit, Vol. IX, No. 3, December 18 adM (1983) (is this same as 2?)
(6). Wall Street Journal, July 26, 1984.
(7). “RICO – Test Case for Counterinsurgency, 1983”, Resistance, No. 1, April 1983.
(8). CLARK & GILBERT, op. cit.
(9). ELLEN CANTAROW, “Kathy Boudin in Jail: The Years of Living Dangerously”, Mademoiselle, April 1984.
(10). JANE LAZARRE, “Conversations With Kathy Boudin”, Village Voice, February 14, 1984.
JAMES FERRON, “Lie Detector Test Led to Brinks Guilty Plea”, N.Y. Times, April 28, 1984.
(11). Friends of Kathy Boudin Newsletter, Issue 2, July 1984. FERRON, op. cit.
(12). CLARK & GILBERT, op. cit.
(14). ROBERT B. ASPREY, War in The Shadows: The Guerrilla in History, Garden City, 1975, p. 756-57, 884-85.
(15). VICTOR MARCHETTI & JOHN D. MARKS, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, N.Y., 1980, p. 211-212.
(16). ALISTAIR HORNE, A Savage War of Peace, London, 1977, p. 259.
(17). Report of the Task Force on Disorders and Terrorism, National Advisory Committee on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals, Washington, 1976, p. 41.
(18). N.Y. Times, April 21, 1981; May 2, 1981.
i'll send you my master copy. been slowly editing for typos.
1. scan each page. #1 thing you can do to help, is get a good, even, flat scan, 300dpi+. your work has a scanner
2. individually name each page something like 001.tiff or 001.png
to batch rename easy in linux, sudo apt install mmv && man mmv
3. install tesseract-ocr in linux:
sudo apt install tesseract-ocr libtesseract-dev
(repo's up to date on ubuntu 18.04)
4. in bash navigate to the directory with all the 001.tiff images
5. run this command:
for i in *.tiff ; do tesseract $i pg$i; done
(check the man page for different languages & options, default is english)
6. it's actually more accurate than i was lol
7. you can cat the .txt files together or deal with them one-on-one but you'll probably re-read the book to typo-check whatever the case. the nice thing about machine typos is that, its light-blind compound eyes don't see obvious errors. human-made typos blend in more.
david gilbert on pod
Edited by toyotathon ()