#12481
congrats on getting like 10,000+ notes on your tumblr post getfiscal

http://lets-get-fiscal.tumblr.com/post/112363639495/12-year-olds-in-1955-i-need-some-cash-ill-get-a
#12482
[account deactivated]
#12483
Thanks 'enry
#12484
my goodreads is real weird to go through. i see stuff like "The Soviet Occupation of Germany: Hunger, Mass Violence and the Struggle for Peace, 1945 1947" and "Stalin: Man of History" followed by a dozen 5 star ratings of garbage fantasy books.
#12485
any of these worth buying? http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/982-verso-s-guide-to-political-walking-50-off-until-friday
#12486
the Harvey book is worth stealing at least, idk about the others
#12487
Finished recently a very good book called Making Democracy in the French Revolution by James Livesy. It makes the unusual decision to base an interpretation of the ultimate meaning of the French Revolution on the developments and debates that occurred between the fall of Robespierre and the 18th century Brumaire- a period that is generally forgotten and derided by nearly everyone as the corrupt, unheroic, or at the very least boring interim between the meteoric zenith of Jacobinism and the coming of Napoleon. Arguing against neoliberal/neoconservavtive historians who construe the French Revolution as merely terroristic and economically wasteful deviation from Anglo-Saxon liberalism, Livesy argues that the Revolution constructed a concrete and positive vision of robustly egalitarian democracy to challenge English parliamentary oligarchy, and that what he calls the 'commerical republicianism' of the Directory period was an essential part of its formation. It was during these years that the revolutionary regime, having moved away from the ideal of a neo-Spartan polity of virtue, but still committed to creating a republic, sought to translate the ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity into cultural and institutional forms compatible with the complexity and heterogeneity of social interests created by modern commerce. Key to this attempted translation was the sans-culottes' replacement, the solidly anti-seigneurial small farmer, a symbolic type that was imagined as being proactively loyal to the Republic yet desirous of individual domestic fulfillment, an essentially philanthropic creature yet interested in improving his lot through profitable labor, uncorrupted by luxury but possessing needs binding him to the market economy, rooted in the soil of the patria but open to the advantages of modern education. Encouraging the existence of the class of small proprietors thus became ideologically important for the intellectuals, bureaucrats,and politicians of the Directory, guiding how they approached everything from the designing of school curricula to the minutia of civic ceremonies.

Most importantly, the Parisian government decided to come to an understanding with the results of the peasants insurrections in the countryside, despite the natural reluctance of the political class to sympathize with it. While dodging the more radical plans for land reform, the Directory at the same time opted not to push for a British style partage-division of the commmons-that one-sidely favored the large landowners through enclosure of the land by the few who already owned large estates. Instead, local communities were allowed to proceed with far more egalitarian redistributions, consolidating the gains that would lead to the so called golden age of the French peasantry which was arguably the social basis for the broader democratization of national culture during the 19th century. Key in the unfolding of the ideological debates around this question were unfortunately obscure figures like François de Neufchâteau and Antoine-Francois Delpierre, men more akin to the Italian Enlightenment and the English agrarian radicalism of Paine and Spence than to Rousseau (or Plutarch, for that matter).

The main 'point' can perhaps be best summed up by these lines from the conclusion:

Vivid images of the French Revolution remain compelling. The storming of the Bastille, the trial of the king, the volunteer armies of 1792, even the Terror-all are dramatic and serious, in some cases wonderful, images of the capacity of humans to make their history, for good or ill. Faced with this color and drama, with difficulty we turn our attention to the slow processes of civilization, of the creation of social bonds, of the possibility of symbolic communication, of work and learning...

The transformation of the way farmers and peasants talked about their land was of more significance than any constitution.

Kind of still mulling over how to fit this within my own developing thoughts of late about the historiography of the French Revolution, so I will leave it at that.

Edited by RedMaistre ()

#12488
i lolled:

Normie Finkelstein posted:

On my first day at the Guardian office, the staff assembled for a meeting on armed struggle and overthrowing the state. Oh my god, I inwardly trembled, armed struggle. This wasn’t college games anymore, it was the real thing! Suddenly I was overcome with this sinking feeling that maybe I wasn’t cut out to be a revolutionary after all. In fact, the closest we ever came to armed combat was when an ultra-Maoist sect unimpressed by the Guardian’s revolutionary credentials sought a showdown. Leaving work one evening I noticed a grim-faced mob all wearing the trademark lumberjack boots, blue jeans and work shirts of the Revolutionary Union approach our building. I quickly rang up Fred at the front desk, who, I was later told, braced for the worst with wrench and crowbar in hand. (At the time he was eighty years old.) The RU’s plot was foiled, however, when they crowded into the elevator and it sank to the basement. It seems that they hadn’t read the bourgeois warning about maximum elevator capacity.



http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=10510

#12489
Can you guys search your library site for guyotat? English translations are overpriced, thanks for looking, pdf or epub are acceptable cheers
#12490
[account deactivated]
#12491
https://twitter.com/jobinpnews/status/595027289634512896
#12492

djbk posted:

Can you guys search your library site for guyotat? English translations are overpriced, thanks for looking, pdf or epub are acceptable cheers


http://www.mediafire.com/view/?vdu91e8vl5rcdjr
http://www.mediafire.com/view/n8tmjl1eidi5db5/pierre-guyotat-eden-eden-eden.pdf

#12493
lol

#12494

animedad posted:

i lolled:

Normie Finkelstein posted:

On my first day at the Guardian office, the staff assembled for a meeting on armed struggle and overthrowing the state. Oh my god, I inwardly trembled, armed struggle. This wasn’t college games anymore, it was the real thing! Suddenly I was overcome with this sinking feeling that maybe I wasn’t cut out to be a revolutionary after all. In fact, the closest we ever came to armed combat was when an ultra-Maoist sect unimpressed by the Guardian’s revolutionary credentials sought a showdown. Leaving work one evening I noticed a grim-faced mob all wearing the trademark lumberjack boots, blue jeans and work shirts of the Revolutionary Union approach our building. I quickly rang up Fred at the front desk, who, I was later told, braced for the worst with wrench and crowbar in hand. (At the time he was eighty years old.) The RU’s plot was foiled, however, when they crowded into the elevator and it sank to the basement. It seems that they hadn’t read the bourgeois warning about maximum elevator capacity.



http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=10510



this is every anti-communist cliche in the book. now I despise Finkelstein for making me read about his mental problems, cowardice, and poor understanding of the world. *sigh*

#12495
reading that article dampened my fervour for a few hours. what a fucking sad sack
#12496
i was reading some of the david grabber linked in the thread that got gassed and found something truly offensive

It is surely the case that politicians do launch illegal wars on the basis of lies, etc, but what Krog’s quote implies is that (a) he believes that it is possible to have a US or UK which would presumably still be world powers, but would not be imperialistic, would obey principles of international legality, would not make false statements, etc etc. In other words, he is from my perspective a state utopian. For me this is absurd. NATO is an imperial power and the idea that it would act as anything else is bizarre. How could it? We’re dealing with Darth Vader here. It’s unreformable.


Edited by ilmdge ()

#12497
im assuming youve seen his bit about how if darth vader wants to go and kill some other Bad Guys its Cool and Good right?
#12498
yah thats from the same thing

Me, since I think NATO is Darth Vader, the problem doesn’t come up. If Darth Vader wants to intervene against some other mini-Darth to save a bunch of revolutionaries, how can one react but to say, “cool! that’s pretty ironic but I’m really glad it happened.” Does that mean I “support” Darth Vader? Of course not. He’s an evil imperialist. Does that mean I’ll be out protesting what he did just because I know his ultimate motives are bound to be insidious? No, of course not either, because first of all, protest implies I think Darth _could_ be acting in a more principled fashion, and second of all - and this is critical - I’m not a political party or government that has to have a “line” on every world issue anyway. But like the author of this piece, I will certainly step in to make my opinion known once Darth actively starts to try to subvert the revolutionaries, as he inevitably will.


hes good and smart "lets let the imperialists overthrow this regime and not speak up because we can just speak up after the bombings but befre they subvert the reolution" lol ok

#12499

babyhueypnewton posted:

animedad posted:

i lolled:

Normie Finkelstein posted:

On my first day at the Guardian office, the staff assembled for a meeting on armed struggle and overthrowing the state. Oh my god, I inwardly trembled, armed struggle. This wasn’t college games anymore, it was the real thing! Suddenly I was overcome with this sinking feeling that maybe I wasn’t cut out to be a revolutionary after all. In fact, the closest we ever came to armed combat was when an ultra-Maoist sect unimpressed by the Guardian’s revolutionary credentials sought a showdown. Leaving work one evening I noticed a grim-faced mob all wearing the trademark lumberjack boots, blue jeans and work shirts of the Revolutionary Union approach our building. I quickly rang up Fred at the front desk, who, I was later told, braced for the worst with wrench and crowbar in hand. (At the time he was eighty years old.) The RU’s plot was foiled, however, when they crowded into the elevator and it sank to the basement. It seems that they hadn’t read the bourgeois warning about maximum elevator capacity.



http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=10510

this is every anti-communist cliche in the book. now I despise Finkelstein for making me read about his mental problems, cowardice, and poor understanding of the world. *sigh*


It's like, if your formative experiences (the ones that taught you a lot about the world) was Maoism, embrace that shit man! it could be so much worse

#12500
anyway Huey, have you read that Battle for China's Past book by Mobo Gao? i decided I hadn't learned enough about China and picked it up, seems decent enough
#12501

animedad posted:

It's like, if your formative experiences (the ones that taught you a lot about the world) was Maoism, embrace that shit man! it could be so much worse

good point.

the preconditions for my political awareness were the iraq war, reading about 'democratic socialism', mental illness, and learning from quind and mccaine about things. but it wasn't until i read MIM stuff that i started taking communism seriously. bless those people. i should stop speaking ill against maoists.

#12502

getfiscal posted:

animedad posted:

It's like, if your formative experiences (the ones that taught you a lot about the world) was Maoism, embrace that shit man! it could be so much worse

good point.

the preconditions for my political awareness were the iraq war, reading about 'democratic socialism', mental illness, and learning from quind and mccaine about things. but it wasn't until i read MIM stuff that i started taking communism seriously. bless those people. i should stop speaking ill against maoists.

MIM ftw...

#12503
So what is he now? Just single-issue? Oh well, I still respect the guy, keep fighting the good fight against I$rael.
#12504

animedad posted:

anyway Huey, have you read that Battle for China's Past book by Mobo Gao? i decided I hadn't learned enough about China and picked it up, seems decent enough



I have the pdf on my comp but haven't gotten around to it. let me know how it is

#12505
I just finished Dance of the Dialectic which I'd put off for a while. Now I know why it wasn't very good. There are parts which are good and reading it next to something else can be helpful, but at least half the book is just repeating itself and the last part, which "applies" the dialectic to the Japanese state, is very poor. Also ignore the slander of Althusser and structural Marxism, dismissing his entire body of work based on a possible mistranslation is something that only makes sense in academia.
#12506
Oh also read Pashukanis who was very good, J.J. Lecercle's "A Marxist Philosophy of Language" which was also good, and Habermas which was bad. I hope in 2015 we can finally move away from going "beyond Marx" in everything since it usually results in beyond shit. if anyone's interested in the first two I can talk more about them.
#12507
[account deactivated]
#12508

babyhueypnewton posted:

Oh also read Pashukanis who was very good, J.J. Lecercle's "A Marxist Philosophy of Language" which was also good, and Habermas which was bad. I hope in 2015 we can finally move away from going "beyond Marx" in everything since it usually results in beyond shit. if anyone's interested in the first two I can talk more about them.


actually we need to go even further beyond Marx until we reach the point on the graph Marx^2

#12509

NoFreeWill posted:

babyhueypnewton posted:

Oh also read Pashukanis who was very good, J.J. Lecercle's "A Marxist Philosophy of Language" which was also good, and Habermas which was bad. I hope in 2015 we can finally move away from going "beyond Marx" in everything since it usually results in beyond shit. if anyone's interested in the first two I can talk more about them.

actually we need to go even further beyond Marx until we reach the point on the graph Marx^2



Would that be this 'communo-capitalism' I'm suddenly hearing about?

(edit: victimized by poe's law once again)

Edited by RedMaistre ()

#12510
The heritage of Marx has always zizaged between becoming merely the Utopian poetry of the epigones of deterritorialized Capital, or finding its revolutionary vocation in a territorial logic of up-building and integrating populations previously consigned to social invisibility and nothingness.
#12511
The Communo-Capitalist Utopian Vision of No-Longer-Paying-Workers

Et lacrimatus est Karl.
#12512
In other news, John Thewell is very fun to read:


"Mr. B. has dubbed us ASSASSINS. It would be curious to know what epithet this Gentleman!!! would give to those ruffians (mostly in the pay of Government) who were concerned in the meditated, attempted massacres of Lynn and Yarmouth!—In the mean time, I wonder how juries relish these things. But it matters not. They are not to be used any more, I suppose, on such occasions.

Having exhausted his stock of Newgate wit, the metaphorical Proteus now turns his hand to medicine and surgery, and cures low fevers with amputation and the caustic. It must be confessed, however, that his language is sufficiently scientific. “Whilst the distempers of a relaxed fibre prognosticate and prepare all the morbid force of convulsion in the body of the state, the steadiness of the physician is over-powered,” &c. “The doctor of the constitution shrinks from his own operation. He doubts and questions the salutary but critical terrors of the cautery and the knife.” The doctor thus disgraced, anon he becomes a soldier, learns the Brunswick march, and “takes a poor credit even from defeat.” Then again he is an eulogist; a politician; a lawyer; a resurrection-man, dealing in rotten carcases; a “jurist;” a letter-founder, and a printer’s devil; an engrosser of parchment rolls, and an engraver of brazen tablets: and all in one single page.

And now he is a dancing master, whimsically enough employed in “bowing to the enemy abroad,” which, it is sagaciously remarked, is not the way “to subdue the conspirator*” who is breaking the fiddle “at home.” Having displayed these harlequin tricks in his own person, he proceeds to try his dagger of lath upon other objects. In ten little lines “anarchy” is a rattlesnake; a “focus,” endowed with magnetic powers; a “venomous and blighting insect,” that “blasts and shrivels, and burns up the promise of the year,” occasions “salutary and beautiful institutions to yield dust and smut,” and turns “the harvest of the law to stubble.” At last, to crown the whole, tired of agriculture and natural history, and having panted round the whole circle of metaphor, he returns, like a hare to the squat he started from, takes up his old profession of physic again, and gives us an emetic of pustles and blotches, and “eruptive diseases,” which “sink in and re-appear by fits.” The malady, however, which is now under his care, whatever it may be, has, somehow or other, a conversable faculty—a sort of intellectual “fuel,” which holds treasonable correspondence “with the source of regicide,” and cunningly “waits for the favourable moment of a freer communication to exert and to encrease its force.” This is really the most intelligent, artful, intriguing, philosophising disease I ever heard of. What a loss to the readers of “Medical Transactions,” that the doctor has not favoured us with its name, its diagnosis, and the peculiar characteristics of its exterior symptoms.

Wonderful man! most incongruous, and most brilliant phenomenon of genius! how hast thou the power to make even nonsense fascinating, and give charms to sheer malevolence! Thou art, indeed, a compound at once strange and terrible: but, it must be confessed, thou art an entertaining mongrel. Full of beauty, and of ferocity, as the royal beast of Bengal; and driven onward by the same blind impulse of rage and ravin—thy hideous roar is ever prophetic of blood: But “the tyger is frequently lost in the ape;” and indignation is disarmed by splendid absurdity:—while the tricks and antics of a wild, extravagant, frantic imagination have a sort of witching charm, that defies the sober severity of judgment, and occasions even the absurdity itself, to be accepted as a sort of atonement for the depravity we should else abhor!"

-From The Rights of Nature against the Usurpations of Establishments
#12513
"But, continues the advocate of extirpation—“Rarely have ever great changes in opinion taken place, without the application of force, more or less†.” True, Mr. B.—and for this plain reason—governments have rarely wanted such counsellors as yourself, to persuade them to drive the question to that issue. Establishments (however pure in the outset) have never failed, in process of time, to be infected with innumerable corruptions. These the governors have an interest in perpetuating; and, indeed, for the sake of that interest, the corruptions have been generally introduced. To them, “the beauty of all Constitutions consists in those very corruptions of which others complain‡;” for it is by the latter, not the former, that their ambition is flattered, their rapacity indulged, their patronage extended, and places and pensions heaped upon themselves, their families, and dependants. These corruptions are therefore artfully confounded, and incorporated, with the original institutions; and the institutions themselves, under one pretence or other, are artfully abrogated by their pretended supporters; till, at last, the whole is infected; and nothing but corruption remains. The enormity of the evil produces complaint. Remonstrance, rejected and despised, provokes to keener discussion, and more bold enquiry. New theories and new systems are started, more consonant with the nature of man, and principles of justice; and the old, corrupted, disjointed, patch-works of obsolete institution, and new-fangled usurpation, are attacked with all the strength of argument, and the ardour of principled conviction. But corruption cannot stand the test of enquiry. It shrinks from the galling probe of truth. Its strength consists in “the morbid force of convulsion,” not in the conscious energies of temperate health. It therefore flies from argument, and appeals to force: leaving, to the proscribed reformers, only the sad alternative of perishing in thousands, according to the example of the Hugonots, and the advice of Burke and Windham, by “a vigour beyond the “law,” or of repelling force by force, with death or victory on their banners, and on their hearts.

Such has been the case in many a nation—in Genoa—in Switzerland—in Holland twice—in America; and such was the case in France. Opinion had grown till it had burst its chains; circumstances concurred that gave opinion weight: the court seemed to yield; but coercion was prepared. Monopolies (gigantic in wickedness) were planned and executed, to put the subsistence of the people in the power of their oppressors; and fresh massacres were resolved, and organised: but the project transpired: force was repelled by force: Lambesque was discomfited; the people flew to arms; the Bastille was taken; Broglio fled; and Paris escaped a second feast of Saint Bartholomew. But still there were silver-headed traitors to the cause of man, pensioned profligates, at the ear of royalty, advising coercion—from within, or from without—it mattered not. A foreign combination produced a foreign war; and Louis XVI, who had sworn to defend the constitution of new opinions, kept up (as Mallet du Pan, his confidential agent confesses, in his Correspondance Politique pour Servir a l’Histoir) a secret intercourse with the despots who had leagued for its destruction. But surely the “great changes in opinion,” resulting from “the application of force,” in these instances, are not much calculated to encourage established governments to a repetition of the experiment."

-From The Rights of Nature Against the Usurpations of Establishments by John Thelwell
#12514
If this forum ever gets deleted I'm going to kill myself, every time I post on reddit.com/r/communism I already have a gun to my head.
#12515
you should just post on twitter instead probably
#12516
yeah political discourse and complex ideas are helped immensely by a 140 character limit & a horde of either conservatives or intersectionalists screaming at you
#12517
who said anything about discourse? im just in it for the dank, rare and ideologically correct marxist-leninist-maoist-titoist-hoxhaist memes
#12518
please dont leak my upcoming t. friedman column, the memeification of politics
#12519
thomas fried man
#12520

c_man posted:

im just in it for the dank

catchphrase