edit: whoops it was the pflp
Edited by c_man ()
c_man posted:Is this that guy who tried to rob banks to fund african anticolonial rebellions or am i confused?
edit: whoops it was the pflp
They also helped out the MPLA I think. But not with bank robbing money specifically.
really nice book.. i like how the language is very clear and all the explanations are very lucid especially on the first part explaining the dialectical method. seems like it would be a good introductory text for those looking to get a taste
Many Maoist, or more generally anti-imperialist, groups have a "classical" line that is basically: "The principal contradiction in the world today is between imperialism and nations oppressed by imperialism." The oldest origin of this I can find is part I of Foundations of Leninism, where Stalin describes the THREE principal contradictions of imperialism as (1) the "classical one", (2) the contradiction between the proletariat and bourgeoisie, and (3) the inter-imperialist rivalry. Hard to make sense of three principal contradictions but that's what he gave us. Anyway in my perception the "classical" contradiction is actually the supposed to be understood (by most communists) as the principal one, so let's work with that.
As Lauesen points out, identifying the principal contradiction in the world at a given time is key for unfolding how to develop the class struggle at that time, in any place. He notes how his own group in the late 70s-80s misidentified the shift in the principal contradiction as the neoliberal era began. He now identifies the principal contradiction in the neoliberal period (1975-2007) as between capital and the state, but his group at the time maintained continued to maintain the "classical" anti-imperialist line above (imperialism v oppressed nations) even as anti-imperialist movements waned worldwide. We can guess how "missing" the arrival of neoliberalism may have affected his group in a similar way to the NCM in the US.
For example, both Struggle Sessions and the MCP-OC were united in the "classical" line, at least as recently as last year. Other parties worldwide such as the CPP (Philippines) have put out basically the same stuff. So is Lauesen wrong in his very particular account of the shifting principal contradiction, especially in the last 70 years? I'm not sure I'm equipped to evaluate that in this post, but I think I can clarify what I think is a difference in understanding that can help put the question in clearer terms with respect to "principal" and "fundamental" contradictions.
Lauesen notes that:
General contradictions such as “productive forces vs. relations of production,” “proletariat vs. bourgeoisie,” and “imperialism vs. anti-imperialism” usually don’t cause much controversy among Marxists. Disagreements begin with the details; for example, when we must identify the most important contradictions at a given time and place, the contradiction with the highest revolutionary potential. Note that Mao speaks of “finding” the principal contradiction in the quote above. This cannot be based on speculation. Contradictions are concrete phenomena, and one of them is always the most important.
Basically the point I want to make is that some of these the "uncontroversial" big contradictions are actually fundamental contradictions, not necessarily principal, active ones (with respect to different things). The points of unity document of the Maoist Communist Group is helpful in plainly explaining the difference:
In general terms, the fundamental contradiction is the contradiction that is determinant throughout a given
process, while the principal contradiction is the particular contradiction that is decisive at a given stage of the
process.
With respect to CAPITALISM: The fundamental contradiction is between the socialized character of production and the private character of control over production; The principal contradiction in the world is something active and changing, and perhaps not fully analyzed at different points in history of capitalism. At a given time, it could be expressed as the active struggle between the bourgeoisie and proletariat, but that's not a given.
With respect to IMPERIALISM (a stage of capitalism): The fundamental contradiction is between imperialism and oppressed nations; The principal contradiction is also up for debate just as above.
To put it another way, the fundamental contradiction of a thing defines it. But the principal contradiction is the contradiction that is most decisive in shaping the thing at a given time. Here's a metaphor but I don't know if it makes sense: If the subject of analysis is a play, the writer emobdies the fundamental contradiction, but the director embodies the principal contradiction. I may have spent a lot of words to make a very plain point but I think often that's where dialectics takes me.
Circling back, I will say I see many groups and parties make lazy analyses of the international situation by always starting with the "classical" formulation which we already know is broadly true, and not exerting the effort to really analyze what really is before us. Most groups probably don't have the "range" of theory rooted in practical experience to do so, especially on a world scale. For most of us I think it will train us just as well in utilizing DM to apply the same analyses in our own localities or situations--not to the exclusion of bigger picture or world analysis, but to move better toward it. If there is a minor critique of the book itself I would generally say it doesn't give a lot of space to the active role of people in struggle, and the importance of secondary, subordinate, and smaller contradictions, however secondary. But it's definitely also just a concise book and I don't think the author is ignorant of that.
the surge of nationalist reaction didn't actually reshape the economy. any efforts i've seen to adjust global supply chains centered around finding more cost-effective or expedient production centers in a still-global system, rather than transforming the nation-state into the paramount unit. a lot has been written about the specific causal properties of the base's "determination in the last instance," but to my mind there's no more succinct way to frame it than as a systemic constraint. with the corporate response to the events of the 6th (the latest i've seen is that the Dow corporation has stated that they will not donate to any republican who refused to certify the election), perhaps said offensive is starting to notice its tether has a definite length