Arrhighi on the other hand seemed to be developing a series of hegemonies that deepen and expand the capitalist mode of production until their own development undermines itself, by way of class struggle and the introduction of transnational institutions laying the groundwork for a future socialist world, i.e. a productive unfolding of capitalism, although he seems to step back from that at the last moment and instead veers away to talk about the dialectic between the non-territorial/spaceless financial and commercial flows of Genoa vs the territorial/nation-state building of Venice in order to justify that the next hegemony is the dialectical conclusion of the former, i.e. the capitalist archipelago of Japan/South Korea/Singapore/Taiwan, in some vaporwave postmodern hyperspace future of pure deleuzian rhizomatic capital flows. which is obviously wrong because it ended up being China, who is pushing forward with international institutional frameworks while the US is rotting in trumpian reaction to its own postwar creations undermining itself.
Just a bunch of random thoughts, I just started both books.
really bewildering how disgusting my ancestors were and how swedes were much, much worse. i give this book 5/5
To some U.S. bureaucrats, this data-driven eugenics system was just the beginning. North, who directed the U.S. Census Bureau from 1903 to 1909, dreamed of the day when detailed racial data could be collected and analyzed for the whole world and be used to guide human genetic development.
“The need for restraining the genetically deficient classes and families from the function of reproduction, is recognized as imperative,” he wrote in 1918 from his perch at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace as World War I was coming to an end. “It is the dream of the true statistician that the day will some time arrive when the facts of demography will be available on identical bases for the entire globe. When that dream is realized, when comparable international statistics actually and everywhere exist, then we shall know the laws which determine human progress and can effectively apply them.”
His dream would soon be realized in Europe.
I have been interested in the topics in this article for years and years & I still learned some new stuff from this article, or at least stuff I've forgotten I ever knew
To some U.S. bureaucrats, this data-driven eugenics system was just the beginning. North, who directed the U.S. Census Bureau from 1903 to 1909, dreamed of the day when detailed racial data could be collected and analyzed for the whole world and be used to guide human genetic development.
“The need for restraining the genetically deficient classes and families from the function of reproduction, is recognized as imperative,” he wrote in 1918 from his perch at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace as World War I was coming to an end. “It is the dream of the true statistician that the day will some time arrive when the facts of demography will be available on identical bases for the entire globe. When that dream is realized, when comparable international statistics actually and everywhere exist, then we shall know the laws which determine human progress and can effectively apply them.”
His dream would soon be realized in Europe.
I have been interested in the topics in this article for years and years & I still learned some new stuff from this article, or at least stuff I've forgotten I ever knew
I have argued that the KCP incorrectly identified the exploitation of tenant by landlord as the major social tension in the Kampuchean countryside. Furthermore, the objective exploit-ation of Khmer peasant by Chinese merchant produced no righteous indignation,. because it was mitigated by the ethnic division between them. Consequently, there was little social basis for rural discontent (except in pockets) when the KCP first began to organise the peasantry in the Kampuchean revolution.
...
Having achieved victory in armed struggle, the KCP believed it had a popular mandate to transform Khmer society radically and immediately. If my thesis is correct, however, the mandate was a nationalist, not a socialist one, and the forced march toward communism that followed their victory was unpopular from the start.
While the government of Democratic Kampuchea succeeded in carrying through an agricultural revolution during 1975-77, transforming floodland to irrigated fields capable of supporting two or three crops a year, solving the food shortages created by the American bombing and subsequent disruption of rural life, and replacing family farming by large-scale collective farming, this revolution was at the cost of in-creasing dissatisfaction and repression. Because their social analysis convinced them that they could expect widespread support for revolutionary change, the KCP were not prepared for the growing opposition and could define it as nothing else than counter-revolutionary.
Consequently, no criticism was tolerated, and even the mildest opposition was punished severely. Not having felt particularly exploited before, peasants were not impressed by the liquidation of the "exploiting classes," but rather mourned the loss of urban commodities and rural freedom. Inexperienced cadres could--think of no better solution to failing support than to punish or kill those who lacked enthusiasm for their programme. Their leaders are most to blame: not only did they lack any sense of Khmer history, they criminally failed to understand their own society. "Democratic Kampuchea," therefore, stands as a forlorn monument to the horrible consequences of any socialist revolution that ignores its own history and culture.
lo posted:reading a neat little article from 1982 called 'analytical errors of the kampuchean communist party' which turns out to be written by bill willmott, emeritus professor of sociology at canterbury university and former president and life member of the new zealand china friendship society, very cool
I have argued that the KCP incorrectly identified the exploitation of tenant by landlord as the major social tension in the Kampuchean countryside. Furthermore, the objective exploit-ation of Khmer peasant by Chinese merchant produced no righteous indignation,. because it was mitigated by the ethnic division between them. Consequently, there was little social basis for rural discontent (except in pockets) when the KCP first began to organise the peasantry in the Kampuchean revolution.
...
Having achieved victory in armed struggle, the KCP believed it had a popular mandate to transform Khmer society radically and immediately. If my thesis is correct, however, the mandate was a nationalist, not a socialist one, and the forced march toward communism that followed their victory was unpopular from the start.
While the government of Democratic Kampuchea succeeded in carrying through an agricultural revolution during 1975-77, transforming floodland to irrigated fields capable of supporting two or three crops a year, solving the food shortages created by the American bombing and subsequent disruption of rural life, and replacing family farming by large-scale collective farming, this revolution was at the cost of in-creasing dissatisfaction and repression. Because their social analysis convinced them that they could expect widespread support for revolutionary change, the KCP were not prepared for the growing opposition and could define it as nothing else than counter-revolutionary.
Consequently, no criticism was tolerated, and even the mildest opposition was punished severely. Not having felt particularly exploited before, peasants were not impressed by the liquidation of the "exploiting classes," but rather mourned the loss of urban commodities and rural freedom. Inexperienced cadres could--think of no better solution to failing support than to punish or kill those who lacked enthusiasm for their programme. Their leaders are most to blame: not only did they lack any sense of Khmer history, they criminally failed to understand their own society. "Democratic Kampuchea," therefore, stands as a forlorn monument to the horrible consequences of any socialist revolution that ignores its own history and culture.
i'd also recommend What Went Wrong with the Pol Pot Regime for another in-depth take
Synergy posted:i'd also recommend What Went Wrong with the Pol Pot Regime for another in-depth take
i think this is a good basic summary of the dk period from a maoist perspective if you need that but much of it is just summarising the bits from the older literature that they agree with so it's not so useful to me at this point. a big problem is that there just aren't that many academics doing research on DK, and the ones who are aren't marxists, with the possible exception of a trot who i've seen publishing some stuff recently, so very little material that might shed new light on the whole situation is appearing. i think that reinterpreting the same sources over again is limited in what it can tell us, even when maoists are the ones doing it.
Synergy posted:i'd also recommend What Went Wrong with the Pol Pot Regime for another in-depth take
that was a good read, thx
i kinda need/rather could really use this for clown canon college, entrance essay
tysm comrades
"On these long stretches of way, armies of advanced seers and prophets made their way in the darkness as they persistently fought their way up again after each setback; in their minds was not science, but a myth, and the impetus of their revolutionary will was not yet knowledge, but mysticism. Now, however, these myths and mysticisms were revolutions, and because it was fights that carried out the rare advances, separated from each other for centuries, which advanced society, our respect and admiration for these pioneers is not diminished by the fact that their words have become obsolete and those of our doctrine stand in a completely different context."
psychicdriver posted:(oh and i found the bordiga quote, thanks thirdform from dissensus) https://www.marxists.org/archive/bordiga/works/1959/commentary-1844.htm
"On these long stretches of way, armies of advanced seers and prophets made their way in the darkness as they persistently fought their way up again after each setback; in their minds was not science, but a myth, and the impetus of their revolutionary will was not yet knowledge, but mysticism. Now, however, these myths and mysticisms were revolutions, and because it was fights that carried out the rare advances, separated from each other for centuries, which advanced society, our respect and admiration for these pioneers is not diminished by the fact that their words have become obsolete and those of our doctrine stand in a completely different context."
Slightly tangential, but I recently learned about Heretical Christian sects in Caliban and the Witch as the ideology of revolutionary peasant upheaval which I thought was p cool, e.g. the Albigensian heresy.
psychicdriver posted:she's in there for outside sources i wanna cite! the end section is gonna be called EPILOGUE: HERMES DETHRONED (hermes is a fucker.)
What’s your paper about, and is it a future effort post
psychicdriver posted:then when i was 18 or 19 (during the Big Mental Health Crisis)
at first glance i misread this as the Big Hentai Crisis which was more than a little disconcerting
psychicdriver posted:the spectacular HD crash of 2016-2017
i had an important hard drive crash around then and it was like losing a chunk of my brain
psychicdriver posted:hey. which gets me in deeper shit... plagiarism or copyright. will they even care, do they have the energy
most academics dont like that journal articles are expensive either and they're absolutely not going to care about whether you had 'legitimate' access to sources you cite in an essay. plus you could theoretically get completely legal access to basically anything using interloans and stuff like that at your university library anyway.
psychicdriver posted:bookfucker college
same
tears posted:psychicdriver posted:bookfucker college
same
as opposed to truckfucker college. you literally have to choose one or the other.
old bookfucker on the mountains' college (city of holy faith campus)
